How Those Of Vietnamese Stands Against Chinese Basic Words
by dchph
At the substratal level, Vietnamese shares a number of basic cognates with Sino‑Tibetan, reflecting deep historical connections across southern China and mainland Southeast Asia. These words anchor the language in its Austroasiatic heritage while also showing traces of early contact with Chinese. They form the bedrock of daily speech and cultural expression, linking Vietnamese to a broader linguistic ecology.
Vietnamese linguistic identity has long been debated. Some scholars insist on its Austroasiatic roots, while others highlight its entanglement with Sino‑Tibetan. Vietnamese basic words are overwhelmingly cognate with Chinese, not peripheral Mon‑Khmer forms. To "stand against" Chinese basic words, Vietnamese does not reject them – it reshapes, localizes, and re‑voices them into its own system.
I) Chinese basic words
Having reviewed the Mon‑Khmer versus Vietnamese basic wordlists proposed by various scholars, we now shift focus to Chinese–Vietnamese comparisons. The following sections analyze cognacy in basic vocabulary by traversing the Old Chinese domain, including relevant Sino‑Tibetan etyma that illuminate deeper connections (see Shafer’s etymological list in Vietnamese Parallels With the Sino-Tibetan Language.)
Take the iconic Chinese pictographs and ideographs, that shows direct cognacy:
- Phonological adaptation: mẹ ← 母 mǔ, bố ← 父 fù (with substratal reshaping).
- Semantic layering: trời carries both meteorological and divine meanings, mirroring 天 tiān.
- Structural localization: Vietnamese syntax reorders modifiers, creating disyllabic compounds (em ← emnhỏ ← 小妹 xiǎomèi ~ emgái 阿妹 āmèi).
Vietnamese basic words are overwhelmingly aligned with Chinese pictographic roots:
A. Nature & cosmos
- 天 tiān (Trời, 'heaven, sky')
- 日 rì (trời, giời, ngày, 'sun, day')
- 月 yuè (trăng, giăng 'moon')
- 水 shuǐ (nước, nác, đák, 'water')
- 火 huǒ (lửa, 'fire')
- 大 dà (to, 'big')
B. Human body
- 人 rén (người, 'human')
- 目 mù (mắt, 'eye')
- 口 kǒu (cửa, miệng, mồm, 'opening, mouth')
- 手 shǒu (tay, 'hand')
- 心 xīn (tim, lòng, 'heart')
- 足 zú (chân, 'foot')
C. Kinship & social terms
- 爹 diē (cha, tía, 'father')
- 父 fù (bố, 'father')
- 母 mǔ (mẹ, 'mother’')
- 兄 xiōng (anh, 'elder brother')
- 妹 mèi (em, 'younger sister')
- 子 zǐ (con, 'child')
- 家 jiā (nhà, 'home, family')
D. Everyday objects
- 食 shí (xơi, 'eat')
- 衣 yī (áo, 'shirt')
- 田 tián (đồng, ruộng, 'field')
- 屋 wū (nhà, 'house')
- 道 dào (đường, 'road, way')
- 言 yán (nói, 'speech’)
These are not superficial borrowings. They are foundational, integrated into Vietnamese daily speech and cultural expression. The act of "standing against" is in fact an act of transformation: Vietnamese absorbs the Chinese lexicon, then reorders syntax, shifts phonology, and layers semantics to create a distinct identity.
II) Loanword recency and phonological shifts
When Vietnamese and Chinese forms show high surface similarity, they are often recent loanwords, borrowed not only during early colonial contact but throughout Vietnam’s independent history, for example:
SV nhật vs. VS ngày, giời, trời ← 日 rì 'sun'
Recency of cognacy often manifests through contraction and metathesis—where sounds are dropped, merged, or reordered. Examples include:
- mình ← 我們 wǒmén (Beijing subdialect /mne/) 'we'
- em(gái) ← 阿妹 āmèi (amuội) ← 妹妹 mèimèi ← 妹 mèi 'younger sister'
Reverse word order is another hallmark of Vietnamese adaptation, where modifiers follow the modified. These bound forms are marked with the symbol # in this manuscript:
nhỏ|em # em|nhỏ ← 小妹 xiăomèi (SV tiểumuội), 'little girl'
Such disyllabic formations reflect extensive sound change and syntactic restructuring.
A. Chronology of loan integration
Older etyma tend to undergo inversion and phonological reshaping to feel native to Vietnamese ears. More recent loans often retain the full semantic package, with only minor phonetic twisting. This is a common phenomenon across languages over time and space. Some examples in sun-related terms:
- VS giờixuân ← 春日 chūnrì (SV xuânnhật) 'springtime'
- VS giờimọc ← 日出 rìchū (SV nhậtxuất) 'sunrise'
- VS giờilặn ← 日落 rìluò (SV nhậtlạc) 'sunset'
- VS giờingãvềtây ← 日已西斜 rìyǐxīxié (SV nhậtnhĩtâytà) 'the sun declined to the west'
- VS giờingàycànglạnh ← 日漸寒冷 rìjiànhánlěng (SV nhậttiệmhànlãnh) 'it is getting colder'
- VS congiăng # ← 月球 yuèqiú (SV nguyệtcầu) 'the moon' [also Vietnamized as 'the month']
- VS giăngkhuyết ← 月虧 yuèkuī (SV nguyệtkhuy) 'crescent moon'
- VS giăngtròn ← 月圓 yuèyuán (SV nguyệtviên) 'fully-rounded moon'
- VS giăngrằm ← 月盈 yuèyíng (SV nguyệtdoanh) 'full moon'
These examples illustrate how Vietnamese integrates Sinitic roots through phonological adaptation, syntactic inversion, and semantic layering.
1. Diachronic displacement
Terms like /blời/ or /blăng/, though historically attested, no longer fit well into compound structures. Each reflects a distinct period of Vietnamese linguistic development, and their displacement underscores the dynamic evolution of the lexicon.
2. Doublets and parallel forms in Sinitic-Vietnamese cognacy
In Early Middle Chinese, Ancient Chinese, and Old Chinese, parallel forms, whether doublets or etyma from the same word family, may co‑exist in contemporary Vietnamese. This stems from the fact that many Vietnamese terms evolved from Chinese bound compounds or free constituents, with loanwords grammatically adjusted to suit native Vietnamese usage.
This phenomenon of grammatical discrepancy is not unusual. Compare French le ciel bleu with English the blue sky: metathesis, or word order shifts are common when disyllabic compounds enter a borrowing language. Over time, high-frequency pairings – predicative nouns, adverbial adjectives, verb complements, verb objects – tend to reorder or restructure. In Vietnamese, these forms co‑exist with Sino‑Vietnamese derivatives and retain extended meanings from their Chinese origins, though. For example:
- ngàytháng ← 日月 rìyuè 'days' [cf. SV nhậtnguyệt: 'the sun and the moon']
- thôinôi ← 周年 zhōunián 'baby's first birthday' [cf. SV châuniên: 'anniversary'; 周 zhōu > VS thôi- 'cease', 年 nián > VS -nôi 'cradle']
- đầytháng ← 周月 zhōuyuè 'baby’s one-month shower' [周 zhōu > VS đầy-]
- giời (or trời) ← 日 rì 'sun' [cf. SV nhật; also VS ngày 'day']
These examples show how free-form VS ngày integrates with 日 rì across compounds:
- 日日 rìrì → ngàyngày 'everyday'
- 春日 chūnrì → ngàyxuân 'springtime'
- 每日 měigrì → mỗingày 'each day'
- 今日 jīnrì → ngàynay 'today' [cf. Mandarin 今天 jīntiān: VS hômnay]
- 明日 míngrì → ngàymai 'tomorrow' [cf. mainày 'the next day']
- 日常 rìcháng → thườngngày 'daily routine' [cf. VS ngàythường 'weekday']
- 青天白日 qīngtiānbáirì → banngàybanmặt 'in broad daylight'
- 夏季 日長夜短 xiàjì rìchángyèduăn → mùahè ngàydàiđêmngắn 'summer: long days, short nights'
B. The semantic layering of 天 tiān and trời
The character 天 tiān denotes 'sky', 'heaven', and 'the Almighty', aligning with Vietnamese trời. While 日 rì later acquired the meaning of 'day', 天 tiān retains its abstract and spiritual connotations. Etymologically: 天 tiān < MC thien < OC thi:n | FQ 他前. Notably, Hainanese 前 is pronounced /tai2/, and Central Vietnamese tời /təj2/.
Compare 天 tiān with Vietnamese trời across fixed expressions:
- Trờiơi ← 天阿 Tiānna 'Oh my Lord' [cf. vernacular Chènơi!]
- ÔngTrờigià ← 老天爺 Lăotiānyé 'Supreme Lord'
- trờiđất ← 天地 tiāndì 'heaven and earth' [cf. Chènđét(ơi)]
- trờikhông ← 天空 tiānkōng 'sky'
- trêntrời ← 天上 tiānshàng 'in the sky'
- trờicho ← 天賜 tiāncì 'bestowed by Heaven'
- trờisáng ← 天亮 tiānliàng 'daybreak'
- trờitối ← 天黑 tiānhēi 'nightfall'
- trờimưa ← 雨天 yǔtiān 'wet day'
- khítrời ← 天氣 tiānqì 'weather'
- trờirâm ← 陰天 yīntiān 'overcast'
- trờitạnh ← 晴天 qīngtiān 'clear sky'
- trờihè ← 夏天 xiàtiān 'summertime'
- trờithu ← 秋天 qiūtiān 'autumn sky'
- trờilạnh ← 天冷 tiānlěng 'cold day'
- trờinóng ← 天暖 tiānnuăn 'warm day'
- trờinực ← 天熱 tiānrè 'hot day'
- trờivàomưa ← 黃梅天 huángméitiān 'rainy season' [cf. VS mùamưa]
- trờisinhcótài ← 天生才子 tiānshēngcáizi 'born a genius'
- trờicaocómắt ← 老天有眼 lăotiānyǒuyăn 'Providence is watching'
- trờiđánh(thánhđâm) ← 天打(雷斃) tiāndă(léipì) 'divine punishment'
- chântrờigócbể ← 天涯海角 tiānyáháijiăo 'remote corners of the earth'
- lướitrờilồnglộng ← 天羅地網 tiānluódìwăng 'heavenly trap' [cf. SV thiênlađịavõng]
- trờibấtdunggian ← 天不容姦 tiānbùróngjiān 'Heaven does not tolerate evil'
- khôngđộitrờichung ← 不共戴天 bùgòngdàitiān 'irreconcilable enmity'
- trờitruđấtdiệt ← 天誅地滅 tiānzhūdìmiè 'divine retribution'
- sốmệnhdotrời ← 聽天由命 tìngtiānyóumìng 'fate is Heaven’s will'
- ôngtơbànguyệt ← 天公月老 tiāngōngyuèlăo 'heavenly matchmaker'
- longtrờilỡđất ← 驚天動地 jīngtiāndòngdì 'earth-shaking event' [cf. SV kinhthiênđộngđịa]
- Chỉcó trời hiểuđược! ← 只有天曉得! zhǐyǒu tiān xiăodé! 'Only Heaven knows!'
These expressions show how 天 tiān maps onto trời, giời, hôm, and ngày in Vietnamese. They are interchangeable across modern Chinese compounds:
- 兩天 liăngtiān → vàihôm 'a couple of days'
- 昨天 zuótiān → hômqua 'yesterday'
- 今天 jīntiān → hômnay 'today'
Thus, 日 rì and 天 tiān may be treated as doublets – just like trời and giời in Vietnamese.
C. Historical variants and dialectal influence
In the 16th century, Vietnamese featured 'blời' and 'blăng' for 'trời' and 'trăng', respectively. These forms were attested in Hoàbình Province, where Viet‑Muong speakers interacted frequently with Western missionaries. These missionaries, blacklisted by Nguyễn Dynasty rulers, avoided lowland Kinh areas and settled in upland regions.
Linguistically, the complex consonantal onset /bl‑/ may have entered Vietnamese via Chamic influence, especially in southern territories annexed by early Nguyễn kings. This southern domain rivaled the northern heartland in size and cultural impact.
1. Trời as Supreme Power: Lexical variants and phonological pathways
Beyond its meteorological and calendrical senses, the concept of trời in Vietnamese also denotes 'the Supreme Almighty'. This semantic layer aligns with 帝 dì (SV đế), a term historically used to signify imperial authority and divine sovereignty.
- trời ← 帝 dì (SV đế) [M 帝 dì < MC teij < OC *teːɡs | Cantonese /dai3/, Hakka /di5/, Central Vietnamese subdialect: tời /təj2/ || Wiktionary: Etymologically, from Proto-Sino-Tibetan *teɣ (“God”); compare Tibetan ཐེ (the, “celestial gods of the Bon religion”), Jingpho (mə³¹-tai³³, “god of the sky”), Proto-Bodo-Garo *mɯ-Dai⁴ (“spirit; god”) (Coblin, 1986; Schuessler, 2007; Sagart, 2011). Cognate with 禘 (OC *deːɡs, “a kind of sacrifice”) (Schuessler, 2007). Alternatively, Sagart (1999) derives it from a root (“to be master over; to rule over”), whence also 適 (OC *ᵃtek, “to rule; to control”), 嫡 (OC *ᵃtek, “son of principal wife”).]
As a lexical doublet, 帝 dì co‑exists with 天 tiān. While 天 tiān often connotes 'heaven' or 'sky'. (1)
2. Moon and Month: giăng, trăng, tháng
The term giăng ← 月 yuè (SV nguyệt) maps onto both trăng 'moon' and tháng 'month'. Etymologically,
- Viet. 'tháng' <~ 'thiềm' <~ 'trăng' <~ 'giăng' ← M 月 yuè < MC ŋʷiɐt < OC *ŋod
Phonologically, trăng /ʈaŋ1/ may evolve into tháng /tʰaŋ5/, paralleling the shift from 日 rì > giời to ngày. In Northern subdialects, giăng reflects a substitution pattern where /tr‑/ is replaced by /gi‑/ or /ch‑/, due to difficulty pronouncing retroflex /ʈ‑/. In Central dialects, variants include /t‑/ and /bl‑/, possibly influenced by Chamic articulation.
In the 17th century, Western missionaries transcribed trăng as blăng, suggesting a complex consonantal onset common in Mon-Khmer or Muong region. Similarly, blời for mặttrời implies a parallel variant mặttrăng → blăng. The onset /bl‑/ may have shifted to /mj‑/, yielding mặt. Benedict (1975) notes a Thai cognate: ʔblüan 'moon' ← ʔblyan < q/b(ə)lal, with Kam‑Sui nyaan (pp. 20, 422).
3. Phonological correspondences
The pattern {VS /gi‑/ ~ Chinese /y‑/, /j‑/, /jh‑/} supports the cognacy of giăng with /yuè/. Similarly, {VS /tr‑/, /th‑/ ~ Chinese /y‑/} appears in:
- 羭 yú (SV du) ~ VS trừu 'sheep'
- 藥 yào (SV dược) ~ VS thuốc 'medicine'
- 鑰 yào (SV thược) ~ VS thước 'lock'
4. Compound usage with 月 yuè
Vietnamese compounds with 月 yuè include:
- trăngkhuyết ← 月虧 yuèkuī 'crescent moon'
- trăngrằm ← 月盈 yuèyíng 'full moon'
- trănglên # ← 新月 xīnyuè 'new moon'
- trăngtàn # ← 殘月 cányuè 'waning moon'
- dướitrăng # ← 月下 yuèxià 'under the moon'
- vầngtrăng # ← 月暈 yuèyùn 'moon halo'
- thángđủ # ← 大月 dàyuè '30-day month'
- thángthiếu # ← 小月 xiăoyuè '29-day month' [cf. thiếutháng 'miscarriage']
- thánggiêng # ← 正月 zhèngyuè 'first month'
- thángchạp # ← 臘月 làyuè 'twelfth month'
- thángngày # ← 日月 rìyuè 'days' [cf. ngàytháng]
- đầytháng ← 周月 zhōuyuè 'baby’s one-month shower'
- tuầntrăngmật # ← 渡蜜月 dùmìyuè 'honeymoon'
- mặttrăng ← 月亮 yuèliàng 'the moon'
- ánhtrăng nóihộ lòng em ← 月亮 代表 我的 心. Yuèliàng dàibiăo wǒde xīn. 'The moon stands for my love to you'
III) Iconic cognacy and semantic continuity in basic vocabulary
As we explore the cognacy between Chinese and Vietnamese basic vocabulary, we are not merely comparing phonetic forms, we are excavating the conceptual roots embedded in the earliest iconic glyphs of the donor language. These glyphs – such as 日 'sun', 月 'moon', 母 'mother' carrying 子 'child' – encode not only visual symbolism but also semantic depth and cultural continuity. Remarkably, many of these forms retain near-original phonetic contours and conceptual resonance in Vietnamese, even under layers of phonological masking and semantic drift.
This section continues our comparative exploration of foundational lexemes shared between two of the world’s most intimately entangled languages.
Table 1 - Kinship and humanity
| Sinitic-Vietnamese | Chinese | Sino-Vietnamese | Notes |
|---|---|---|---|
| bố | 父 fù | phụ | 'father' [cf. ba, 爸; cha, 爹 diè → VS tía] |
| mẹ | 母 mǔ | mẫu | 'mother' [cf. mợ, mái (female fowl); nạ 娘 niáng 'mommy'] |
| con | 子 zǐ | tử | 'child, son' [cf. Fuzhou 囝 kiaŋ, Hainanese /ke1/, Austroasiatic kiã] |
| người | 人 rén | nhân | 'human' [cf. 日 rì → ngày, 牙 yá → răng, 壓 yàn → ngán] |
| anh | 兄 xiōng | huynh | 'older brother' [cf. anhem 兄妹 xiōngmēi (huynhmuội), anhtam 兄弟 xiōngdì (huynhđệ), cf. interchange pattern 轟 hōng → oanh] |
| trai | 丁 dīng | đinh | 'man' [also original form of 'nail', 'peg'; cf. 丁丁 'zhengzheng' (onomatopoeic)] |
Table 2 - Nature and elements
| Sinitic-Vietnamese | Chinese | Sino-Vietnamese | Notes |
|---|---|---|---|
| non | 山 shān | san, sơn | 'mountain' |
| sông | 川 chuān | xuyên | 'river' |
| nước | 水 shuǐ | thuỷ | 'water' |
| nước | 淂 dé | đắc | 'body of water' [cf. ancient đák] |
| đất | 土 tǔ | thổ | 'soil' [cf. 地 dì → địa, VS đất] |
| đồng | 田 tián | điền | 'field' [cf. VS ruộng ← 垌 tóng (SV đồng)] |
| mưa | 雨 yǔ | vũ | 'rain' [cf. y‑ ~ m‑] |
| lửa | 火 huǒ | hoả | 'fire' [cf. interchange pattern 大伙 dàhuǒ → cảlũ, 話 huà → lời] |
Table 3 - Body parts
| Sinitic-Vietnamese | Chinese | Sino-Vietnamese | Notes |
|---|---|---|---|
| mắt | 目 mù | mục | 'eye' [cf. Austroasiatic parallels] |
| sọ | 首 shǒu | thủ | 'skull' [cf. 頭 tóu] |
| mặt | 面 miàn | diện | 'face' [cf. mặtmày, mặtrước, mặtsau] |
| tim | 心 xīn | tâm | 'heart' [cf. VS lòng] |
| chân | 足 zú | túc | 'foot' [loan for đủ 'enough'; cf. 腳 jiăo → chân, 脛 jìng → cẳng] |
| mồm | 口 kǒu | khẩu | 'mouth' [cf. VS cửa, 吻 wěn → miệng] |
| tay | 手 shǒu | thủ | 'hand' [cf. Japanese /te1/] |
The comparanda above reveal not only phonological correspondences but also semantic layering and etymological depth. Many Vietnamese terms preserve the conceptual essence of their Chinese counterparts, even when phonetic forms diverge due to dialectal shifts, Austroasiatic substrata, or historical sound change.
Additionally, we may also want to include some other words, of dubious nature though, associated with numerous earliest Chinese basic characters as discussed in the previous chapters 8, 9, and 10:
A. Additional Comparanda: Early glyphs and semantic drift
In addition to the core cognates previously examined, we may cautiously consider a supplementary set of Vietnamese terms whose origins, while less certain, appear to align with some of the earliest Chinese pictographic characters discussed in Chapters 8–10. Though some items may reflect mixed or layered etymologies, their semantic and phonological profiles suggest deep historical entanglement.
- Numerals and natural substances
- một ← 一 yī 'one' (SV nhất /ɲɐt7/)
- hai ← 二 èr 'two' (SV nhị /ɲej6/)
- ba ← 三 sān 'three' (SV tam /tam1/) [cf. Hainanese /ta1/; also 仨 sā (SV ta): 'the three']
- gỗ ← 木 mù 'tree, timber' (SV mộc) [cf. 材 cái (SV tài)]
B. Extended cognates from early glyphs and ideograms
These early glyphs, rooted in iconic representation, later gave rise to more abstract ideograms. Their semantic fields expanded while retaining core referents.
Table 4 - Numerals and natural substances
| Sinitic-Vietnamese | Chinese | Sino-Vietnamese | Notes |
|---|---|---|---|
| một | 一 yī | nhất | 'one' |
| hai | 二 èr | nhị | 'two' |
| ba | 三 sān | tam | 'three' [cf. 仨 sā → SV ta] |
| gỗ | 木 mù | mộc | 'tree, timber' [cf. 材 cái → SV tài] |
Table 5 - Environmental lexicon
| Sinitic-Vietnamese | Chinese | Sino-Vietnamese | Notes |
|---|---|---|---|
| đất | 地 dì | địa | 'land' [cf. 土地 tǔdì → đấtđai] |
| sao | 星 xīng | tinh | 'star' |
| mây | 雲 yún | vân | 'cloud' |
| mù | 霧 wù | vụ | 'fog' |
| sông | 江 jiāng | giang | 'river' |
| sáng | 明 míng | minh | 'bright' [cf. 明兒 míngr → (ngày)mai] |
Table 6 - Kinship and domestic terms
| Sinitic-Vietnamese | Chinese | Sino-Vietnamese | Notes |
|---|---|---|---|
| cha | 爹 diè | đa | 'daddy' [cf. VS tía] |
| ba | 爸 bā | ba | 'dad' |
| má | 媽 mā | ma | 'mom' |
| nạ | 娘 niáng | nương | 'mom' [cf. nàng 'miss'] |
Table 7 - Sensory and action verbs
| Sinitic-Vietnamese | Chinese | Sino-Vietnamese | Notes |
|---|---|---|---|
| nóng | 燙 tàng | tháng | 'hot' |
| coi | 看 kàn | khán | 'look' [cf. VS khám 'examine'] |
| chạy | 走 zǒu | tẩu | 'run' [Mandarin also: 'walk'] |
Table 8 - Body and motion
| Sinitic-Vietnamese | Chinese | Sino-Vietnamese | Notes |
|---|---|---|---|
| đầu | 頭 tóu | đầu | 'head' |
| chân | 腳 jiăo | cước | 'leg' [cf. 腳板 jiǎobǎn → bànchân] |
| tay | 臂 bì | tý | 'arm' [cf. 手 shǒu → bàntay] |
C. Framing the inquiry: affiliation, not provenance
This research paper does not seek to prove a genetic relationship between Vietnamese and Chinese. Rather, it highlights the undeniable depth and breadth of lexical overlap, especially as evidenced in Shafer’s Sino-Tibetan wordlist (See Chapter 10). The influence is not superficial. It permeates core vocabulary and extended derivatives across semantic domains, revealing that many Vietnamese terms are not merely borrowed but structurally and conceptually aligned with Chinese usage. In some cases, they appear as direct replicas or, at least, calques.
These patterns suggest that Vietnamese, while not officially classified within the Sino-Tibetan family, may be its hidden affiliate, an entangled member shaped by centuries of contact, convergence, and cultural transmission.
III) Expanding the lexical field
In the following sections, we will continue to explore basic vocabulary items that exhibit potential cognacy with Chinese. This expanded list will include, but not be limited to, the categories emphasized by Nguyễn Ngọc San (1993, p. 95), who attributed them to Mon-Khmer origins. His conclusions, however, may warrant reconsideration.
Editorial Note: The Author guarantees that readers will be overwhelmed by the fundamental etymological Chinese-Vietnamese data that have made Vietnamese as it is today. T he list presented here is representative and inclusive only, not exhaustive. Many etyma have already been cited and analyzed in previous chapters. If they reappear, it is for emphasis – not oversight. Readers seeking cross-references may refer to previous chapters 8–10, or consult the etymology database at HanViet.com.
As a general heuristic: the closer the phonetic resemblance, the more likely the term is a recent loan from Chinese. This principle, while not absolute, serves as a practical guide throughout the analysis.
A) Family relations and kinship terms
In addition to previously cited kinship lexicons – such as cha ← 爹 diè 'father' (VS tía) and anh ← 兄 xiōng 'older brother' (SV huynh) – the following entries expand the relational field with deeper etymological layering.
Table 9 - Chinese-Vietnamese basic cognates(See following sections for semantic breakdown and phonological scaffolding)
| Sinitic-Vietnamese | Chinese | Sino-Vietnamese | Notes |
|---|---|---|---|
| ông | 公 gōng | công | 'grandfather'; also cồ, trống (male fowl); cf. 翁 wēng → SV ông 'old man'; lông 'feather' |
| ôngnội | 爺爺 yéye | giagia | 'paternal grandfather'; replaces non-extant 內公 nèigōng (SV nộicông) |
| ôngngoại | 外公 wàigōng | ngoạicông | 'maternal grandfather' |
| bà | 婆 pó | bà | 'grandmother'; inclusive usage |
| bàngoại | 外婆 wàipó | ngoạibà | 'maternal grandmother' |
| bànội | 奶奶 năinai | nãinãi | 'paternal grandmother'; cf. 姥姥 lăolào → SV lãolão |
| tôi | 我 wǒ | ngã | 'I, me'; cf. VS qua, mỗ; possibly influenced by 婢 bì (SV tì) → nôtì 'servant'; also cf. 吾, 余, 咱 |
| đôilứa | 我倆 wǒliăng | ngãlưỡng | 'we both' |
| chúngmình | 咱們 zánměn | tamôn | 'we, exclusively' |
| mình | 我們 wǒmén | ngãmôn | 'we'; Beijing subdialect /mne/ |
| ta | 咱 zá | ta | 'we, inclusively' |
| nàng | 娘 niáng | nương | 'young lady'; cf. 姑娘 gūniáng → SV cônương |
| chồng | 君 jūn | quân | 'husband'; cf. 郎 láng → SV lang; also 丈夫 |
| vợ | 婦 fù | phụ | 'wife'; cf. VS bụa in goábụa ← 寡婦 guăfù (SV quảphụ) |
| vợlẻ | 妻妾 qīqiè | thêthiếp | 'concubine'; also vợnhỏ, vợbé |
| chị | 姊 zǐ | tỷ | 'older sister'; cf. 姐 jiě → SV thư |
| em | 妹 mēi | muội | 'younger sister'; VS bậu; cf. 妹妹 mēimēi → em(gái) |
| em | 俺 ǎn | am | 'younger brother'; dialectal usage; cf. 萼 è (SV ngạc); 弟 dì → SV đệ in 兄弟 xiōngdì 'siblings' |
The term tôi ← 我 wǒ is etymologically and socially complex—across classical, colloquial, and official registers. Phonologically, it aligns with OC ŋha:jʔ, yet its semantic trajectory may reflect contamination from 婢 bì 'servant', suggesting a humble self-reference akin to 在下 zàixià (SV tạihạ). This interpretation positions tôi as a late-emerging form, possibly shaped by literary conventions and social hierarchy.
Other dialectal variants – qua, mỗ, ta, chúngmình – reveal a layered evolution of personal pronouns in Vietnamese. These forms reflect not only phonological diversity but also pragmatic shifts in speaker–listener relationships, inclusive vs. exclusive reference, and regional usage.
Which forms align directly between Mandarin and Vietnamese? Remarkably, the full kinship system – spanning maternal and paternal lines, from uncles and aunts to nephews and nieces – maps closely across both languages. The semantic precision and hierarchical structure of these terms suggest a shared cultural logic and lexical inheritance.
B. Kinship continuities: Vietnamese-Mandarin correspondences
The following sections continue to detail kinship correspondences, showing how Vietnamese relational terms mirror Mandarin usage in both form and function. Each entry is scaffolded with its Chinese counterpart, Sino-Vietnamese reading, and phonological or semantic notes.
Table 10 - Terms of kinship with modern Mandarin
Sinitic-Vietnamese | Chinese | Sino-Vietnamese | Notes |
|---|---|---|---|
| cô | 姑 gū | cô | 'paternal aunt'; also short for cônàng ← 姑娘 gūniáng 'young lady' (SV cônương) |
| cậu | 舅 jìu | cữu | 'maternal uncle' |
| chú | 叔 shù | thúc | 'paternal uncle' |
| thím | 嬸 shěn | thẩm | 'wife of paternal uncle' |
| bác | 伯 bó | bá | 'father’s elder brother' |
| dì | 姨 yí | di | 'maternal aunt' |
| mợ | 母 mǔ | mẫu | 'maternal uncle’s wife'; also used for 'mother' in northern dialects; cf. 舅母 jiùmǔ → cậumợ |
| cháu | 侄 zhí | điệt | 'nephew or niece' |
| cháuđíchtôn | 嫡孫子 dísūnzi | đíchtôn | 'first grandson' |
Table 10B - Extended kinship and in-law terms
| Sinitic-Vietnamese | Chinese | Sino-Vietnamese | Notes |
|---|---|---|---|
| dượng | 丈 zhàng | trượng | 'uncle-in-law'; contraction of 姑丈 gūzhàng, 姨丈 yízhàng, 姐丈 jiězhàng |
| mẹghẻ | 繼母 jìmǔ | kếmẫu | 'stepmother' |
| bốghẻ | 繼父 jìfù | kếphụ | 'stepfather'; cf. new VS calque: 繼爹 jìdiè ('chaghẻ') |
| mẹruột | 親母 qīnmǔ | mẫuthân | 'biological mother' |
| bốruột | 親父 qīnfù | thânphụ | 'biological father' |
| xuigia | 親家 qīnjiā | thângia | 'in-laws'; cf. VS thônggia ← 親家 qìngjiā |
| bốvợ | 岳父 yuèfù | nhạcphụ | 'father-in-law' |
| mẹvợ | 岳母 yuèmǔ | nhạcmẫu | 'mother-in-law' |
| chịdâu | 嫂子 săozi | tẩu | 'older sister-in-law' |
| (con)dâu | 兒媳(婦) érxí(fù) | nhitức | 'daughter-in-law' |
| (con)rể | (女)婿 (nǚ)xù | tế | 'son-in-law' |
| cộtchèo | 連襟 liánjīn | liêncâm | 'husbands of sisters' |
| chịemdâu | 妯娌 zhóulǐ | trụclý | 'sisters-in-law' |
These correspondences extend beyond immediate family to encompass in-laws, step-relations, and affinal ties. The semantic precision and structural symmetry between Vietnamese and Mandarin kinship systems suggest more than cultural borrowing; they reflect a shared relational logic deeply embedded in both languages.
The list could continue indefinitely, covering great-grandparents, great-grandchildren, and dialectal variants across northeastern and southwestern Mandarin. While the Mon-Khmer camp attributes this closeness to prolonged Chinese cultural influence, one must ask: what of the parallels in natural phenomena, bodily terms, or intimate activities?
If we revisit Shafer’s Sino-Tibetan wordlist, the evidence of cognacy across all lexical domains becomes even more compelling. Readers are invited to verify these patterns – across kinship, nature, and daily life – as we now proceed to explore other basic vocabulary categories.
Many additional cognates have been cited in previous sections and are omitted here for brevity. The patterns, however, remain consistent: across domains of nature, kinship, and belief, Vietnamese and Chinese share a deep lexical and conceptual affinity.
Table 11 - Natural phenomena and environmental surroundings
In addition to previously cited etyma, the following lexicons belong to the foundational stratum of Vietnamese–Chinese linguistic alignment:
| Sintic-Vietnamese | Chinese | Sino-Vietnamese | Notes |
|---|---|---|---|
| sáng | 亮 liàng | lượng | 'bright'; cf. xinh 'pretty'; doublets: 朗, 景, 爽 |
| sáng | 晨 chén | thìn | 'morning'; cf. dialectal forms: sin, siŋ |
| trưa | 晝 zhòu | trú | 'noon'; cf. 調 as loan variant |
| chiều | 昃 zè | trắc | 'afternoon'; cf. 朝陽 zhāoyáng → nắngchiều |
| xế | 夕 xī | tịch | 'dusk' |
| tối | 宵 xiāo | tiêu | 'night' |
| tối | 黑 hēi | hắc | 'dark'; cf. 黑暗 hēi'àn → tốităm |
| gió, giông | 風 fēng | phong | 'wind'; cf. 颱風 táifēng → giôngtố, mưagió |
| bão | 暴 bào | bạo | 'storm'; cf. 暴風 bàofēng → gióbão |
| nắng | 陽 yáng | dương | 'sunshine'; cf. 太陽 tàiyáng → trờinắng; 陽光 yángguāng → ánhnắng |
| đìa | 池 chí | trì | 'pool'; cf. 池子 chízi → cáichậu |
| ao | 湖 hú | hồ | 'lake'; cf. Min forms: o2, ou2 |
| khe | 溪 xī | khê | 'crevice'; cf. doublet xi |
| suối | 川 chuān | xuyên | 'stream'; cf. 泉 quán → tuyền; contrast with 江 jiāng → sông |
| tạnh | 晴 qīng | tanh | 'clear sky'; cf. 星 xīng → sao |
Table 12 - Spiritual beliefs and ritual vocabulary
The following lexicons reflect deep semantic and cultural entanglement between Vietnamese and Chinese spiritual traditions:
| Sintic-Vietnamese | Chinese | Sino-Vietnamese | Notes |
|---|---|---|---|
| Trờiơi | 天阿 Tiānna | thiên-a | 'Oh My Lord' |
| Bụt | 佛 Fó | Phật | 'Buddha' |
| Chúa | 主 Zhǔ | chủ | 'Lord'; cf. 天主 Tiānzhǔ → Chúatrời; 主日 Zhǔrì → Chúanhật |
| thiêng | 靈 líng | linh | 'sacred'; cf. 神靈 shénlíng → linhthiêng |
| hiểnlinh | 顯靈 xiǎnlíng | hiểnlinh | 'epiphanic' |
| nhiệmmàu | 玄妙 xuánmiào | huyềndiệu | 'miracle' |
| thầymo | 巫師 wúshī | vusư | 'witch'; cf. 巫婆 wúpó → mụbà |
| bói | 卜 bǔ | bốc | 'divine'; cf. VS bùa |
| ma | 魔 mó | ma | 'ghost'; cf. 魔羅 → mara |
| quỷ | 鬼 guǐ | quỉ | 'spirit'; cf. 魔鬼 móguǐ → maquỉ |
| ám | 黯 àn | ám | 'spiritually possessed' |
| phùhộ | 保佑 bǎoyòu | bảohữu | 'bless'; cf. 扶護 fúhù |
| thần | 神 shén | thần | 'heavenly saint'; cf. 神靈 shénlíng |
| thánh | 聖 shèng | thánh | 'saint'; cf. 神聖 shénshèng → thầnthánh |
| tiên | 仙 xiān | tiên | 'fairy' |
| hồn | 魂 hún | hồn | 'soul' |
| vía | 魄 pò | phách | 'spiritedness'; cf. 魂魄 húnpò → hồnvía |
| dè | 忌 jì | kị | 'dread'; cf. 祭 jì → giỗ |
| giỗ | 祭 jì | tế | 'sacrificial ceremony'; cf. kị |
| vái | 拜 bài | bái | 'pray'; cf. VS lạy |
| thắpnhang | 燒香 shāoxiāng | thiêuhương | 'burn incense'; cf. VS đốtnhang |
| cúng | 供 gòng | cống | 'offer sacrifice'; cf. 供品, 供果 |
| thờphụng | 奉事 fèngshì | phụngsự | 'ritual worship'; cf. VS thờcúng, thờphượng |
Table 13 - Plants, staples, foods, meats
| Sinitic-Vietnamese | Chinese | Sino-Vietnamese | Notes |
|---|---|---|---|
| gạo | 稻 dào | đạo | 'rice'; cf. lúa (unhusked) |
| cây | 棵 kè | khoá | 'tree'; cf. 樹 shù → SV thụ |
| lá | 葉 yè | diệp | 'leaf'; cf. 游 yóu → lội |
| cành | 格 gé | các | 'branch' |
| nhánh | 梗 gěng | ngạnh | 'branch' |
| cọng | 莖 jīng | kinh | 'stalk' |
| thân | 本 běn | bản | 'trunk'; cf. 身 shēn → mình |
| gốc | 根 gēn | căn | 'root' |
| rễ | 蒂 dì | đế | 'root'; cf. 深根固蒂 → thâmcăncốđế |
Table 14 - Fruits, seeds, and vegetables
| Sinitic-Vietnamese | Chinese | Sino-Vietnamese | Notes |
|---|---|---|---|
| trái | 實 shí | thật | 'fruit'; cf. 果 guǒ → quả |
| hột | 核 hè | hạch | 'seed'; cf. hạt |
| lạc | 落 luò | lạc | 'peanut' |
| đậu | 豆 dòu | đậu | 'bean' |
| cam | 柑 gān | cam | 'orange' |
| quýt | 桔 jú | quất | 'mandarin' |
| chanh | 橙 chéng | trừng | 'lemon'; cf. sành |
| bưởi | 柚 yóu | du | 'pomelo'; cf. bòng |
| rau | 菜 cài | thái | 'vegetable' |
| cải | 芥 gài | giới | 'mustard' |
| củ | 薯 shǔ | thự | 'yam' |
| tiêu | 椒 jiāo | tiêu | 'pepper' |
| bông | 葩 pā | ba | 'flower'; cf. 花 huā → hoa |
| chuối | 蕉 jiāo | chiêu | 'banana'; Yue origin |
| mít | 菠蘿蜜 bōlómì | balamật | 'jackfruit'; Yue origin |
| xuxa | 仙草 xiāncăo | tiênthảo | 'grass jelly'; cf. sươngsáo |
| dưa | 瓜 guā | qua | 'melon'; cf. 塊瓜 kuàiguā → dưahấu |
| bèo | 萍 píng | bình | 'duckweed'; cf. 浮萍 fúpíng → lụcbình |
| dừa | 椰 yē | gia | 'coconut'; Yue origin |
| măng | 萌 méng | manh | 'shoot'; cf. mầm, mới |
| tre | 竹 zhú | trúc | 'bamboo' |
| bầu | 匏 páo | biều | 'gourd'; cf. bí |
| hành | 蔥 cōng | song, thông | 'onion' |
| tỏi | 蒜 suàn | toán | 'garlic' |
| gừng | 薑 jiāng | khương | 'ginger' |
| nghệ | 艾 ài | ngải, nghệ | 'mugwort' |
| giá | 芽 yá | ngà | 'bean sprout' |
| xả | 香茅 xiāngmáo | hươngmao | 'lemongrass'; cf. satế |
| muối | 硭 máng | mang | 'salt'; cf. 硭硝 mángxiāo → muốitiêu |
| đường | 糖 táng | đường | 'sugar'; Yue origin |
| kẹo | 糖果 tángguǒ | đườngquả | 'candy'; cf. kẹođường |
Table 15 - Meats and seafood
| Sinitic-Vietnamese | Chinese | Sino-Vietnamese | Notes |
|---|---|---|---|
| cá | 魚 yú | ngư | 'fish' |
| sò | 螺 luó | la | 'clam' |
| tép | 蝦 xiā | hà | 'shrimp'; cf. tôm |
| ghẹ | 蟹 xiè | giải | 'crab'; cf. cua |
| hến | 蜆 xiàn | nghiễn | 'mussel'; cf. kén |
| thịt | 膱 zhí | thức | 'meat'; cf. 腊 xì |
| ruốc | 肉 ròu | nhục | 'meat'; cf. 炸肉 zhàròu → chảlụa |
| canh | 羮 gēng | canh | 'broth'; cf. 血羹 xuègēng → tiếtcanh |
| tiết | 血 xuè | huyết | 'blood'; cf. 衁 huang → máu |
Table 16 - Meals and staples
| Sinitic-Vietnamese | Chinese | Sino-Vietnamese | Notes |
|---|---|---|---|
| bữa | 飯 fàn | phạn | 'meal'; cf. buổi, ban |
| cơm | 膳 shàn | thiện | 'rice dish'; cf. 餐 cān → xan |
| bột | 粉 fěn | phấn | 'flour'; cf. bún, phở |
| bánh | 餅 bǐng | bính | 'cake'; cf. 包餅 bāobǐng → bòbía |
| trứng | 蛋 dàn | đản | 'egg' |
| phaocâu | 屁股 pìgǔ | tícổ | 'chicken’s butt'; culinary delicacy |
Table 17 - Head and facial features
| Sinitic-Vietnamese | Chinese | Sino-Vietnamese | Notes |
|---|---|---|---|
| đầu | 頭 tóu | đầu | 'head'; cf. sọ ← 首 shǒu |
| mặt | 面 miàn | diện | 'face' |
| tai | 耷 dā | đạp | 'ear'; contraction of 耳朵 ěrduō |
| mắt | 目 mù | mục | 'eye' |
| mày | 眉 méi | mi | 'eyebrow' |
| má | 頰 jiá | giáp | 'cheek' |
| họng | 喉 hóu | hầu | 'throat' |
| càngcổ | 脖頸 bójǐng | bộtcảnh | 'neck' |
| mũi | 鼻 pí | tị | 'nose' |
| sốngmũi | 鼻梁 pìliáng | tịlương | 'bridge of the nose' |
| mồm | 脗 wěn | vẫn | 'mouth'; cf. 吻 wěn → 'hôn' |
| môi | 嘴 zuǐ | chuỷ | 'lip' |
| hàm | 含 hán | hàm | 'jaw' |
| cằm | 頦 kē / 頷 hàn | hài, hàm | 'chin', 'lower jaw' |
| răng | 牙 yá | nha | 'tooth'; cf. 牙齒 yáchǐ → răngcỏ, 牙肉 yáròu → nướurăng |
| lứa | 齡 líng | linh | 'age, tooth'; cf. đồnglứa, quálứa |
| râu | 鬚 xū | tu | 'beard' |
| tóc | 髮 fā | phát | 'hair' |
| trán | 顛 diān | điên | 'forehead' |
| lông | 翁 wēng | ông | 'feather'; cf. 毛 máo → body hair |
Table 18 - Torso and limbs
| Sinitic-Vietnamese | Chinese | Sino-Vietnamese | Notes |
|---|---|---|---|
| bụng | 腹 fù | phục | 'stomach'; cf. puk roots in Tibeto-Burman |
| đùi | 腿 tuǐ | thối, thoái | 'lap, thigh' |
| vai | 背 bēi | bội | 'shoulder'; also 'back', 'carry' |
| tay | 臂 bì / 手 shǒu | tý, thủ | 'arm', 'hand'; cf. 手版 shǒubăn → bàntay |
| ngực | 臆 yì | ức | 'chest'; cf. Khmer ngức |
| hông | 胸 xiōng | hung | 'hips'; modern Mandarin: 'chest' |
| eo | 腰 yāo | yêu | 'waist'; cf. lưng |
| sốnglưng | 脊梁 jǐliáng | tíchlương | 'spine'; cf. 鼻梁 pìliáng |
| cu | 且 jū | cư | 'penis'; cf. VS cặt |
| đít | 屁 pì / 腚 dìng | tí | 'buttocks'; cf. 屁股 pìgǔ → phaocâu |
| trôn | 臀 tún | đồn | 'buttocks' |
| bảnhchoẹ | 盤坐 pánzuò | bàntọa | 'sit flat'; cf. xếpbằng, ngồibệt |
| chân | 足 zú | túc | 'foot' |
| giò | 腳 jiăo | cước | 'leg'; cf. 腳版 jiăobăn → bànchân |
| cẳng | 脛 jìng | hĩnh | 'shin' |
| móng | 趼 jiăn | kiển | 'claw, nail' |
Table 19 - Internal organs and fluids
| Sinitic-Vietnamese | Chinese | Sino-Vietnamese | Notes |
|---|---|---|---|
| mạch | 脈 mài | mạch | 'pulse, vein' |
| dịch | 脈 mài | mạch | 'fluid, vein' |
| cổhọng | 喉嚨 hóulóng | hầulung | 'throat' |
| phổi | 肺 fèi | phế | 'lung' |
| tim | 心 xīn | tâm | 'heart' |
| gan | 肝 gān | can | 'liver' |
| thận | 腎 shèn | thận | 'kidney' |
| dạdày | 胃子 wèizi | vịtử | 'stomach'; cf. baotử, tỳvị |
| hòndái | 睪丸 yìhuán | dịchhoàn | 'testicle' |
| tửcung | 子宮 zǐgōng | tửcung | 'womb' |
Table 20 - Taste and texture
| Sinitic-Vietnamese | Chinese | Sino-Vietnamese | Notes |
|---|---|---|---|
| ngọt | 𩜌 yuē | ngạt | 'sweet'; cf. ngọtngào |
| mặn | 咸 xián | hàm | 'salty'; cf. mắm |
| đắng | 辛 xīn | tân | 'bitter'; also 'spicy' |
| cay | 苦 kǔ | khổ | 'spicy'; cf. 辛苦 xīnkǔ → cayđắng |
| lạt | 淡 dàn | đạm | 'insipid'; cf. nhạt |
| tươi | 鮮 xiān | tiên | 'fresh' |
| thơm | 香 xiāng | hương | 'fragrant'; cf. ngon, nhang |
| tanh | 腥 xīng | tinh | 'fishy' |
| thúi | 臭 chòu | xú | 'smelly'; cf. hôi |
Table 21 - Color and temperature
| Sinitic-Vietnamese | Chinese | Sino-Vietnamese | Notes |
|---|---|---|---|
| xanh | 蒼 cāng | thương | 'green' |
| đỏ | 彤 tóng | đồng | 'red' |
| hường | 紅 hóng | hồng | 'pink' |
| vàng | 黃 huáng | hoàng | 'yellow' |
| tím | 紫 zǐ | tử | 'purple'; cf. tía |
| trắng | 素 sù | tố | 'white' |
| đen | 黔 qián | kiền | 'black'; cf. 黔首 → ngườiden |
| lạnh | 冷 lěng | lãnh | 'cold' |
| cóng | 寒 hán | hàn | 'freezing'; cf. Hainanese /kwa2/ |
| rét | 凄 qī | thê | 'chilly'; cf. 凄凉 qīliáng → giálạnh |
| ấm | 溫 wēn | ôn | 'warm' |
| nóng | 燙 tàng | thang | 'hot'; boiling heat |
| rát | 熱 rè | nhiệt | 'sore'; cf. nực, nhức |
Table 22 - Bodily functions, actions, observation and expression
| Sinitic-Vietnamese | Chinese | Sino-Vietnamese | Notes |
|---|---|---|---|
| đau | 痛 tòng | thống | 'pain'; cf. sickness |
| sợ | 怕 pà | phạ | 'afraid'; cf. 怯 qiē → khiếp, 懼 jù → cụ |
| rảnh | 閒 xián | nhàn | 'leisure'; cf. ancient dưng |
| bận | 忙 máng | mang | 'busy'; cf. 忙活 mánghuó → bậnviệc |
| rầu | 愁 chóu | sầu | 'sad'; cf. dialectal forms and phonetic shifts |
| vui | 快 kuài | khoái | 'happy'; cf. VS mau |
| sướng | 暢 chăng | sướng | 'content'; cf. 'penetrate → satisfaction' |
| thương | 疼 téng | đông | 'love'; cf. 疼痛 téngtòng → đauđớn |
| yêu | 愛 ài | ái | 'love'; cf. VS ưa, ưng |
| cưng | 慣 guàn | quán | 'overprotect' |
| thích | 嗜 shì | thích | 'like' |
| thù | 仇 chóu | cừu | 'enmity' |
| ghét | 厭 yàn | yếm | 'hate' |
| giúp | 助 zhù | trợ | 'help'; cf. 幫助 bāngzhù → đỡđần |
| hờn | 恨 hèn | hận | 'angry' |
| tiếc | 惜 xì | tích | 'cherish'; cf. 惋惜 wănxī → tiếcnuối |
| thùhằn | 仇恨 chóuhèn | cừuhận | 'hatred' |
| chánngán | 厭倦 yànjuān | yếmquyện | 'fed up' |
| hốihận | 後悔 hòuhuǐ | hậuhối | 'regret'; cf. localized 悔恨 huǐhèn |
| ănnăn | 慇恨 yīnhèn | ânhận | 'regret' |
| bênhvực | 包庇 bāobì | baotí | 'defend, shield'; cf. VS bãobọc |
| bú | 哺 bǔ | bộ | 'suck'; OC ba:s |
| ăn | 吃 chī | ngật | 'eat'; cf. 喫 chī 'stammer'; phonetic 乙 yǐ (SV ất) |
| xơi | 食 shí | thực | 'eat' |
| uống | 飲 yǐn | ẩm | 'drink'; OC ʔjəmʔ |
| nấunướng | 烹調 pēngtiáo | phanhđiều | 'cook' |
| đi | 去 qù | khứ | 'go, walk'; OC khaʔ; cf. 回去 huíqù → trởvề |
| chạy | 走 zǒu | tẩu | 'run'; also 'go' in modern Mandarin |
| ngồi | 坐 zuò | toạ | 'sit'; cf. 犬坐 quánzuò → chồmhổm |
| bò | 爬 pá | bà | 'crawl' |
| què | 瘸 què | cài | 'lame' |
| lết | 厲 lì | lệ | 'drag'; cf. VS lê |
| đứng | 站 zhàn | trạm | 'stand' |
| chồmhổm | 犬坐 quánzuò | khuyểntọa | 'squat' |
| xếpbằng | 盤坐 pánzuò | bàntọa | 'sit cross-legged'; cf. VS ngồibệt, bảnhchoẹ |
| đạp | 踏 tà | đạp | 'trample'; cf. 水 shuǐ → dák (Old Viet-Muong 'water') |
| bơi | 游 yóu | du | 'swim'; cf. VS lội |
| lặn | 潛 qián | tiềm | 'dive'; cf. VS lén |
| cày | 耕 gēng | canh | 'plow'; OC kre:ŋ |
| làm | 幹 gàn | cán | 'do' |
| việc | 活 huó | hoạt | 'work'; cf. 幹活 gànhuó, 忙活 mánghuó |
| trồng, giống | 種 zhòng, zhǒng | chủng | 'plant, breed'; also VS giống, dòng |
| nhìn | 眼 yăn | nhãn | 'look'; cf. 眼巴巴 yănbaba, 眼瞪瞪 yăndèngdèng |
| cười | 笑 xiào | tiếu | 'laugh' |
| khóc | 哭 kù | khốc | 'weep'; cf. 泣 qì → khấp |
| mơ | 夢 mèng | mộng | 'dream'; cf. VS mơ (loss of nasal) |
| đái | 尿 niào | niệu | 'urinate'; cf. 小便 xiăobiàn → tiểutiện |
| ỉa | 屙 ē | a | 'defecate'; cf. 屙屎 → điỉa |
| táobón | 便秘 biànmì | tiệnbí | 'constipation' |
| chảy | 瀉 xiè | tả | 'diarrhea'; cf. VS tướt |
| nằm | 躺 táng | thảng | 'lie down' |
| ngủ | 臥 wò | ngoạ | 'sleep'; cf. 臥房 wòfáng → phòngngủ |
| cóchửa | 有身子 yǒushēnzi | hữuthântử | 'pregnant' |
| cóthai | 懷胎 huáitāi | hoàithai | 'pregnant' |
| cómang | 身孕 shēnyùn | thânvận | 'pregnant' |
| cưumang | 懷孕 huáiyùn | hoàivận | 'carry a baby' |
| cókinh | 有月經 yǒuyuèjīng | hữunguyệtkinh | 'menstruate' |
| sống, đẻ | 生 shēng | sanh | 'live', 'give birth'; cf. 吃生 → xơitái |
| chết | 死 sǐ | tử | 'die'; cf. 卒 zú (SV tốt), 逝 shì (SV thệ) (2) |
| chếtyểu | 夭折 yāozhé | yêuchiết | 'die young' |
| tắm | 洗 xǐ | tẩy | 'bathe' |
| rửa | 浴 yù | dục | 'wash' |
| mắng | 罵 mà | mạ | 'scold' |
| chửi | 咒 zhòu | trù | 'swear at'; also trù ~ rủa 'curse'; cf. 咒罵 zhòumà → chửirủa |
| gây | 吵 chăo | sảo | 'wrangle'; ex. gâygổ 吵架 chăojià 'quarrel' |
| giành | 爭 zhēng | tranh | 'fight for' |
| đánh | 打 dă | đả | 'strike' |
| đâm | 捅 tǒng | thủng | 'stab' |
| chặt | 砍 kǎn | khảm | 'chop'; cf. 砍首 kănshǒu → chặtđầu |
| chém | 斬 zhǎn | trảm | 'slash'; cf. 斬首 zhǎnshǒu → chémđầu |
| giết | 殺 shā | sát | 'kill' |
| bế | 抱 bào | bão | 'carry in arms'; also VS bồng; OC bhu:ʔ; Tib. a~ba 'carry' |
| gánh | 扛 káng | cang | 'carry on shoulders'; also VS gồng, khiêng, cõng |
| trồng, giống | 種 zhòng, zhǒng | chủng | 'plant, breed'; also VS giống, dòng |
| đốt | 燒 shāo | thiêu | 'burn'; also VS sôi, sốt, thắp; cf. 燒香 shāoxiāng → thắpnhang |
| cháy | 焦 jiāo | tiêu | 'char'; also VS nâu |
| hay | 好 hăo | hảo | 'good' |
| xấu | 醜 chǒu | xú | 'ugly' |
| tốt | 德 dé | đức | 'kind'; cf. 德性 déxìng → tínhtốt |
| ác | 惡 è | ố | 'wicked'; cf. 可惡 kěwù → khảố |
| hiền | 善 shàn | thiện | 'gentle'; cf. 善良 shànliáng → thiệnlương |
| xinh | 亮 liàng | lượng | 'pretty'; also VS sáng |
| xinhđẹp | 漂亮 piàoliàng | phiêulượng | 'beautiful' |
| thốt | 說 shuì | thuyết | 'talk' |
| nói | 話 huà | thoại | 'speech'; cf. 火 huǒ → lửa; 舌 shě → lưỡi |
| lời | 辭 cí | từ | 'spoken word'; archaic loan; Protoform ljə 'speech' |
| lắngnghe | 聆聽 língtīng | linhthính | 'listen' |
| lãng | 聾 lóng | lung | 'hearing-impaired' |
| điếc | 失聰 shīcōng | thấtthông | 'deaf'; cf. VS điếctai |
| mù | 盲 máng | mang | 'blind' |
| câm | 噤 jìn | cấm | 'mute' |
| liếm | 舔 tián | thiểm | 'lick'; cf. VS nếm |
| ngửi | 嗅 xìu | khứu | 'smell'; cf. 聞 wén → hửi |
| mó, mò | 摸 mō | mô | 'grope'; cf. VS sờ |
| hôn | 吻 wěn | vẫn | 'kiss'; cf. 問 wèn → hỏi, 聞 wén → hửi |
Table 23 - Insects, pests, and parasites
| Sinitic-Vietnamese | Chinese | Sino-Vietnamese | Notes |
|---|---|---|---|
| chí | 蝨 shī | siết | 'louse'; M 蝨 shī < MC ʂit < OC *srit |
| kén | 蠶 cán | tằm | 'silkworm'; M 蠶 cán < MC ʑɤm < OC tʂjə:m |
| nhộng | 蛹 yǒng | dũng | 'nympha' |
| muỗi | 螡 wén | vân | 'mosquito'; Hainanese /me11/ |
| ruồi | 蠅 yíng | dăng | 'fly'; also VS nhặng, lằng; OC ljəŋ; Austroasiatic origin suggested |
| sâu | 蟲 chóng | trùng | 'insect'; also VS trùn, giun, sán |
| giòi | 蚴 yòu | ấu | 'larva' |
| gián | 蟑螂 zhāngláng | trươnglang | 'cockroach'; VS gián |
| thằnlằn | 蝘蜓 yǎntíng | yểnđình | 'wall lizard' |
| chuồnchuồn | 蜻蜓 qīngtíng | thanhđình | 'dragonfly' |
| châuchấu | 蟋蟀 xīshuài | tấtsuất | 'cricket' |
| đỉa | 蛭 zhì | điệt | 'leech'; also 'rết' (scorpion); OC tīt |
| rắn | 蛇 shé | xà | 'snake'; also 虵 shé; cf. 也 yě (SV dã) |
Table 24 - Animals (domestic, wild, aquatic)
| Sinitic-Vietnamese | Chinese | Sino-Vietnamese | Notes |
|---|---|---|---|
| cá | 魚 yú | ngư | 'fish'; also /ka5/ + morpheme; 'cá-' as classifier; ex. 鯨魚 jīngyú → cákinh 'whale' |
| lươn | 鱔 shàn | thiện | 'eel' |
| gà | 雞 jī | kê | 'chicken' |
| vịt | 鴨 yā | áp | 'duck' |
| ngỗng | 鵝 é | nga | 'goose'; also VS ngang |
| chó | 狗 gǒu | cẩu | 'dog' |
| cún | 犬 quán | khuyển | 'puppy' |
| mèo | 貓 māo | miêu | 'cat' |
| chuột | 鼠 shǔ | thử | 'rat' |
| dê | 羊 yáng | dương | 'goat'; M 羊 yáng < MC jaŋ < OC laŋ; Starostin: Protoform jă(k)/jăŋ 'goat, yak'; Tib. g-jag 'yak'; Kachin ja3 'wild goat'; Lepcha jo/k 'yak'; dialects: Chaozhou iẽ12, Shanghai iã32 |
| trâu | 牛 níu | ngưu | 'water buffalo'; also VS ngầu (cf. Northern Mandarin 'gung-ho') |
| bò | 牳 mǔ | mậu | 'cow'; M 牳 mǔ ~ 母 mǔ (mẫu, mô) < MC mow, mʌw < OC mjəʔ; cognate with Sino-Tibetan forms (Shafer’s list: OB ba, Burig bā, Luśei b@ń, etc.); also Chin. 牝 byi/ 'cow'; cf. buffalo forms in Luśei, Khami, Karenic, etc. |
| ngựa | 午 wǔ / 馬 mă | ngọ, mã | 'horse'; cf. Sino-Tibetan kor (Kuki, Luśei, Aimol, etc.); Haudricourt: 午 wǔ linked with Daic Lao səńə, Tay Blanc sańa, Dioi sa, Mak ńo |
| voi | 為 wēi | vi | 'elephant'; attested archaic SV 'vi' (perform); modern Mandarin /wèi/ 'for' |
| lừa | 驢 lǚ | lư | 'donkey' |
| thỏ | 兔 tù | thố | 'hare' |
| nai | 鹿 lù | lục | 'deer'; Shafer: Sino-Tibetan ŋai (Kuki, Luśei, Aimol, Purum, Kom, Lamgang, Meithlei, Maring, Ukhrul, Dimasa, Tipora, Banpara, etc.) |
| cọp | 虎 hǔ | hổ | 'tiger' |
| hùm | 甝 hán | hàm | 'white tiger' |
| consư | 師子 shīzi | sưtử | 'lion'; cf. 子 zǐ → 'con-' |
| beo | 豹 bào | báo | 'leopard' |
| gấu | 熊 xióng | hùng | 'bear'; Karlgren: M 熊 xióng < MC ɣiung < AC g'iung < OC g'ium (dissimilation) |
| chim | 禽 qín | cầm | 'bird' |
| bồcâu | 白鴿 báigē | bạchcáp | 'pigeon'; 白 bái → VS bồ; 鴿 gē < MC kɤp < OC kjə:p; Starostin: Tang attestation |
| quạ | 鴉 yā | nha, va | 'crow'; M 鴉 yā < MC ʔa, ʔra; Starostin: 'crow' (L.Zhou); variant of 烏 ʔa: |
Table 25 - Man-made objects and tools
| Sinitic-Vietnamese | Chinese | Sino-Vietnamese | Notes |
|---|---|---|---|
| nhà | 家 jiā | gia | 'house'; j- ~ nh-; cf. 屋 wù (SV ốc) where /wu4/ could evolve into nhà |
| lều | 蘆 lú | lư | 'hut' |
| cửa | 戶 hù | hộ | 'door'; also VS ngõ 'gate'; M 戶 hù < MC ɠɔ < OC gha:ʔ; Starostin: Sino-Tibetan 'door'; cf. Tib. parallels; Viet. ngõ shows nasalization of Chinese stops |
| cối | 臼 jìu | cữu | 'mortar'; M 臼 jìu < MC gʌw < OC guʔ |
| dao | 刀 dāo | đao | 'knife'; M 刀 dāo < MC tʌw < OC ta:w; /d-/ ~ /j-/ |
| bàn | 案 àn | án | 'table'; M 案 àn < MC ʔɒn < OC ʔa:ns; cf. 按 àn → VS bấm |
| mâm | 盤 pán | bàn | 'tray' |
| ghế | 椅 yí | ỷ | 'chair'; M 椅 yǐ |
| rương | 箱 xiāng | sương | 'suitcase'; also VS hòm; M 箱 xiāng < MC sjaŋ < OC saŋ; s-, x- ~ h-, r- |
| buồng | 房 fáng | phòng | 'room'; M 房 fáng < MC baŋ < OC bwɒŋ |
| giường | 床 chuáng | sàng | 'bed'; M 床 chuáng < MC ʂaŋ < OC tʂhraŋ; ch- ~ gi- |
| lồng | 籠 lóng | — | 'cage'; cf. 案籠 ànlóng → VS lồngbàn 'tray cover' |
| đèn | 燈 dēng | đăng | 'lamp'; cf. 燈籠 dēnglóng → VS lồngđèn 'lantern' |
| bếp | 庖 páo | bào | 'kitchen'; M 庖 páo < MC bạw < OC bhū < PC brū; cf. 匏 páo (biều) → VS bí |
| lò | 爐 lú | lư | 'stove' |
| cũi | 櫃 guì | quỹ | 'cupboard'; also VS quầy 'counter'; M 櫃 guì < MC gwɨ < OC gruts(-js); Starostin: 'box, coffer'; Early Zhou form 匱 |
| tủ | 櫝 dú | độc | 'cabinet'; M 櫝 dú < MC duk < OC lho:k; d- ~ h- |
| chén | 盞 zhàn | tràn | 'bowl'; M 盞 zhàn < MC can < OC tsjre:nʔ |
| đũa | 箸 zhú | trừ | 'chopstick'; M 箸 zhú < MC ɖʊ < OC dras; also SV trợ, chừ; Hainanese /du4/ |
| thìa | 匙 chí | thi, chuỷ | 'spoon'; also VS chìa (as in 鎖匙 suǒchí 'key'); M 匙 chí < MC tʂe < OC dhe |
| cửi | 機 jī | cơ | 'weaving apparatus'; also VS máy 'device', dịp 'opportunity'; M 機 jī < MC kyj < OC kjəj; Starostin: 'device, apparatus'; later 'circumstances'; cf. 幾 jī (SV cơ) → VS mấy |
| đường | 唐 táng | đàng | 'path'; archaic usage; modern Mandarin 道 dào (SV đạo), 途 tú (SV đồ) |
| lối | 路 lù | lộ | 'road'; also 'kind, sort, class'; cf. colloquial VS usage: 那人那麼路呢 Nà rén nàme lù ne → 'Người đó saomà lối thế' |
| ghe | 舟 zhōu | chu | 'canoe'; plausibly VS đò; cf. 渡 dù (SV độ) → VS đò |
| xuồng | 船 chuán | thuyền | 'boat'; VS xuồng (small), SV thuyền (large) |
| tàu | 艘 sāo | tầu | 'ship' |
| buồm | 帆 fán | phàm | 'sail mast' |
| chèo | 棹 zhào | trạo | 'paddle' |
| chèo | 掉 diào | điếu | 'row' |
Table 26 - Functional words and grammatical markers
| Sinitic-Vietnamese | Chinese | Sino-Vietnamese | Notes |
|---|---|---|---|
| với | 與 yú | dữ | 'with'; M 與 yǔ, yú, yù < MC jʊ < OC laʔ |
| và | 和 hé, hè | hoà | 'and'; also VS hùa 'take side', ùa 'overwhelm', hoạ 'join in'; |
| bị | 被 bèi | bị | passive (negative); possibly linked to VS bởi < bởilẽ; cf. 爲了 wèile |
| được | 得 dé | đắc | passive (positive); 'gain' |
| há | 何 hé | hà | 'why' |
| huốnghồ | 何況 hékuàng | hàhuống | 'in spite of' |
| huốngchi | 況且 kuàngqiě | huốngthả | 'not to mention' |
| nhưngmà | 而且 érqiě | nhithả | 'but' |
| từ | 自 zì | tự | 'from'; cf. colloquial 打 dă (SV đả) 'from' |
| cùng | 跟 gēn | căn | 'along with'; also VS gốc, gót |
| tới | 到 dào | đáo | 'to'; also VS đến |
| chotới | 直到 zhídào | trựcđáo | 'until'; also VS chođến; 直 zhí ~ VS cho |
| dođó | 所以 suǒyǐ | sởdĩ | 'therefore'; 所 suǒ ~ VS do; 以 yǐ ~ VS đó |
| ở | 於 yú | vu | 'at, in'; M 於 yú < ʔə < OC ʔa |
| đốivới | 對於 duìyú | đốivu | 'regarding to' |
| vìthế | 於是 yúshì | vuthị | 'as a result'; VS ở, về 'at, in, regarding' |
| để | 以 yǐ | dĩ | 'in order to' |
| tại | 在 zài | tại | 'in' |
| trong | 中 zhōng | trung | 'inside' |
| đang | 當 dāng | đang | 'is being' |
| trongkhi | 正在 zhèngzài | chánhtại | 'while' |
| vẫn | 仍 réng | nhưng | 'still' |
| nhưngvẫn | 仍然 réngrán | nhưngnhiên | 'but still'; cf. SV vẫnnhiên |
| rồi | 了 lē, liăo | liễu | 'already'; also particle of exclamation |
| la | 啦 lā | lạp | particle of exclamation or question |
| bởi | 由 yóu | du | 'because'; cf. 郵 yóu → bưu, 柚 yóu → bưởi, 游 yóu → bơi |
| bởivì | 由於 yóuyú | duvu | 'because'; also VS dovì |
| vìlà | 爲了 wèile | viliễu | 'because'; also VS bởilẽ; 了 lē ~ là |
| vì | 爲 wèi | vị | 'for' |
| gì | 啥 shà | xá | 'what'; also VS sao 'why'; Beijing 啥 shă; phonetic stem 舍 shè < MC ʂia < OC ɕia |
| vìsao | 爲什麼 wēishěme | vithậpma | 'why'; M 爲什麼 wèishěnme; Beijing dialect 為啥 wēishă → VS vìsao |
| lẽra | 其實 qíshí | kỳthực | 'in reality'; also VS thựcra; q- ~ l-, sh- ~ r- |
| mựa | 莫 mò | mạc | 'do not' |
| chỉn | 盡 jǐn | tận | 'only'; modern VS chỉ |
| bui | 維 wéi | duy | 'only' |
| liễn | 連 lián | liên | 'even'; modern VS lẫn |
Beyond their direct origin from close Chinese cognates, such as
- 爲 wèi – vị (‘for’)
- 中 – zhōng – trung (‘inside’)
many Vietnamese forms represent extended usages of Sino‑Vietnamese elements. Examples include:
- 在 – zài – tại (‘in’)
- 得 – dé – đắc → được (positive passive marker, in contrast to 被 – bèi – bị as negative passive)
- 德 – dé – đức → tốt ('good')
- 當 – dāng – đang ('is being')
All of these have been grammaticalized as function words in Vietnamese. These cases illustrate only a small fraction of the vast Sino‑Vietnamese stratum embedded in the language, encompassing not only functional markers but also abstract concepts and general vocabulary. In essence, aside from their extended roles in Vietnamese, the diachronic development of these items parallels that of their Chinese counterparts, following the same evolutionary trajectory across both languages.
Conclusion
The survey of Vietnamese and Chinese correspondences in the basic vocabulary stratum demonstrates that the relationship between the two languages is neither incidental nor superficial. From substratal cognates that reach back to shared Austroasiatic and Sino‑Tibetan roots, to the massive Sino‑Vietnamese layer derived from Middle Chinese, and finally to the fully localized Sinitic‑Vietnamese forms, the evidence points to a long continuum of contact, adaptation, and integration.
What emerges is a linguistic identity that is at once hybrid and distinctive. Vietnamese has absorbed Chinese elements on a scale unmatched by any other Mon‑Khmer language, yet it has also reshaped them through its own phonology, tonal system, and cultural imagination. The result is a lexicon where learned binoms coexist with vernacularized compounds, where Tang‑era tonal matrices still resonate in poetry, and where everyday expressions carry traces of Yue, Han, and local innovation alike.
References
Alves, M. J. (2005). Sino‑Vietnamese Grammatical Vocabulary and Triggers for Grammaticalization. Proceedings of the 6th Pan‑Asiatic International Symposium on Linguistics, Hanoi: Social Sciences Publishing House. → Foundational study showing how Sino‑Vietnamese items (tại, được, bị, đang) became grammaticalized function words.
Ha, L. T. (2022). Code Mixing and Loan Words in The Vietnamese Vocabulary. Eurasian Journal of Applied Linguistics, 8(1), 143‑148. → Examines Chinese, French, and English loanwords in Vietnamese, with cultural implications.
Hoang, Q. (2025). Study on the Understanding and Use of Sino‑Vietnamese Words: Perspectives from Secondary School Students in Ho Chi Minh City. Sprin Journal of Arts, Humanities and Social Sciences, 4(5). → Highlights contemporary challenges in teaching and using Sino‑Vietnamese vocabulary.
Takahashi, Y. (2025). The Grammatical Nature of Sino‑Vietnamese “Verb‑Object Compounds.” Papers from the 30th Annual Meeting of SEALS. → Investigates how verb‑object compounds borrowed from Chinese became integrated as inseparable units in Vietnamese.
Phan, T. T., Nguyen, T. C., & Shimizu, M. (Eds.). (2024). Studies in Vietnamese Historical Linguistics: Southeast and East Asian Contexts. Springer Nature. → Interdisciplinary volume situating Vietnamese within Austroasiatic, Tai‑Kadai, and Sino‑Tibetan contexts.
Tran, T. N. M., Nguyen, T. V. B., & Vuong, H. V. (2025). The Conceptualization of “High–Low” in Monosyllabic Dimension Words in Chinese and Vietnamese: A Cognitive Linguistic Perspective. American Research Journal of Humanities & Social Science, 8(8), 140‑145. → Explores metaphorical mappings of dimension words across Chinese and Vietnamese.
Phan, T. T. (2024). Vietnamese Transitive Cognate Objects Revisited. Concentric, 50(2), 260‑292
FOOTNOTES
(1)^ 帝 dì carries the weight of 'Supreme Power', later institutionalized as the title of the Emperor, distinct from 王 wáng 'king'. Classical sources reinforce this distinction:
- 《爾雅·釋詁》: 王者，君 也
- 《呂氏春秋》: 帝 者，天下 之 所 適；王 者，天下 之 所往
- 《管子·兵法篇》: 察 道 者 帝，通 德 者 王
- 《史記·高帝紀》: 乃 卽 皇帝 位 汜水 之 南
- 《易·鼎卦》: 聖人 亨，以 享 上帝
- 《書·舜典》: 肆類 于 上帝
Hence, 上帝 Shàngdì (SV Thượngđế) emerges as a theological extension of Trời: 'the Supreme Being', 'the Almighty', 'Alas', or 'God'.
(2)^ Read more at The case of "chết"