Vietnamese Parallels With the Sino-Tibetan Languages

Sino-Tibetan Etymologies

by dchph

"Vietnamese stands at the center of the Sino‑Tibetan continuum, not at the margins of Mon‑Khmer."

Vietnamese exhibits deep lexical, phonological, and structural correspondences with multiple branches of the Sino‑Tibetan family, extending well beyond the Sinitic division. Robert Shafer's taxonomy of six divisions – Sinitic, Daic, Bodic, Burmic, Baric, and Karenic – provides the comparative framework. Within this scheme, Vietnamese forms align with cognates across several divisions, often more consistently than with Mon‑Khmer.

A crucial diagnostic is polysyllabicity. Disyllabic and polysyllabic forms, characteristic of many Sino‑Tibetan languages, resonate strongly with Vietnamese structures. This challenges the older comparative bias that treated Vietnamese as essentially monosyllabic.

Taken together, the evidence suggests that Vietnamese belongs within a broader Sino‑Tibetan continuum. Its development cannot be adequately explained by narrow binary comparisons, such as Mon‑Khmer versus Vietnamese, but requires recognition of its multi‑branch affiliations across the family.

I) Sino‑Tibetan etymologies

This  article extends the comparative framework beyond the Mon-Khmer debate, situating Vietnamese within the broader Sino-Tibetan sphere. By drawing on Robert Shafer's Introduction to Sino-Tibetan (1966–1974) and subsequent comparative studies, the analysis demonstrates that Vietnamese shares deep lexical, phonological, and structural correspondences with multiple Sino-Tibetan divisions. These parallels challenge the adequacy of binary comparisons (e.g., Mon-Khmer vs. Vietnamese) and instead highlight the need for multi-branch etymological mapping.

Key points include:

• Methodological critique: Earlier Mon-Khmer specialists relied heavily on local informants, essentially "tour guides", and applied rigid frameworks such as "linguistic mentalism". Their work, often speculative, left loopholes that become evident under closer scrutiny.

• Vietnamese scholarship: Later Vietnamese linguists inherited these frameworks, often reproducing errors such as misspellings, misquotations, and misclassifications of etyma.

• Sino-Tibetan perspective: Shafer's taxonomy of six divisions (Sinitic, Daic, Bodic, Burmic, Baric, Karenic) provides a more comprehensive comparative base. Vietnamese forms align with cognates across these divisions, often more closely than with Mon-Khmer.

• Polysyllabicity: Disyllabic and polysyllabic forms in Sino-Tibetan languages resonate with Vietnamese structures, reinforcing the methodological importance of moving beyond monosyllabic analysis.

As we proceed, the scope of inquiry will move beyond what many Mon-Khmer specialists have traditionally envisioned. The shortcomings of much of their argumentation and analysis lie in their heavy reliance on local informants, essentially "tour guides", a practice common among Indo-European structuralists until the late 1980s. Yet one must ask: did these informants possess sufficient academic knowledge of both Vietnamese and one or more Mon-Khmer languages to provide reliable data? Methodologically, many of these scholars adhered rigidly to particular schools of thought, such as the Bloomfieldian tradition, applying their frameworks mechanically within the paradigm of "linguistic mentalism." Equipped primarily with abstract comparative tools such as analogy and theoretical reasoning, their work often remained speculative rather than empirically grounded. The result was a body of research that, while systematic, left significant loopholes that become apparent upon closer scrutiny.

II) Methodological critique

Later generations of Vietnamese specialists largely followed the same path, working within the Mon-Khmer framework established by their predecessors. Their studies typically began with pre-existing data, cited in earlier sections, which served as their springboard. This reliance, however, made them prone to errors – misreferences, misspellings, and misquotation – that recur throughout their works and are often flagged with "(?)" or "[sic]" in this survey. On the surface, it may appear that I, too, risk similar errors, particularly given my limited familiarity with non-Sinitic Sino-Tibetan languages. I must therefore acknowledge my dependence on Shafer's data: if his material contains inaccuracies, then my citations inevitably reproduce them.

This phenomenon is hardly new. Earlier linguists working on Vietnamese, including Haudricourt and Maspero, often introduced errors ranging from misspellings to speculative reconstructions based on superficial phonetic resemblance, as well as misclassifications of etyma. Such cases reveal a recurring conflation of Sino‑Vietnamese (SV) with Sinitic‑Vietnamese (VS), and a neglect of the tonal and semantic distinctions that differentiate lexical meanings. Illustrative examples include Haudricourt's treatment of Old Chinese 賊 *zɯːɡ (Mandarin zéi), rendered as SV tặc but corresponding in VS to giặc; or 墓 mù as SV mộ versus VS mồ; 案 àn as VS bàn 'table' versus 盤 pán as SV bàn but VS mâm 'tray'. Other problematic cases involve unexplained lexemes such as mang, bang, muong 'bamboo screen' for VS mùng 'mosquito net', or 網 wǎng (SV võng).

In contrast, the author's approach seeks to repackage these widely cited Mon-Khmer "fundamental words" under a new Sino-Tibetan framework, viewed through the lens of Sinitic-Vietnamese correspondences. This perspective yields more consistent and positive results. It will be a formidable challenge for any scholar to produce comparanda of 400 Mon-Khmer cognates with Vietnamese that withstand scrutiny in the way these Sino-Tibetan comparisons do. Unlike the errors of earlier pioneers, any potential inaccuracies in Shafer's Sino-Tibetan data are likely minor, since most of his entries are straightforward transliterations of related sounds. The author's selective citations, moreover, are drawn directly from modern Vietnamese orthography, which reduces the margin of error.

Figure 1 - Sino-Tibetan with six divisions

Source: Robert Shafer, 1966, p.VII.

Figure 2 - Region of Sino-Tibetan languages

Source: http://upload.wikipedia.org/wikipedia/commons/8/89/Sino-tibetan_languages.png

The binary comparison method, which limits itself to pairing languages, most often Chinese with Vietnamese, or Austroasiatic (Mon-Khmer) with Vietnamese, has long been the default approach. Yet such a narrow framework is inadequate. Languages are not isolated entities; they are taxonomically interconnected across regions, continents, and even hemispheres, all within a historical continuum. A strictly binary lens cannot uncover the deeper strata of fundamental cognates and their etymological roots.

As Merritt Ruhlen (1994) demonstrated in On the Origin of Languages: Studies in Linguistic Taxonomy, broader comparative frameworks are essential. For this reason, the following sections present Sino-Tibetan etymologies in cross-language comparative listings, as modeled in the preceding chapters. Here we turn to Vietnamese vocabularies that reveal striking cognate relationships with etyma from multiple Sino-Tibetan languages across all six divisions.

The results, as the reader will see, are remarkable. They illuminate Sino-Tibetan roots embedded in deep substrata, roots that had gone unrecognized until the author began publishing this research online in the early 21st century.

The comparative listings that follow draw primarily on Robert Shafer's Introduction to Sino-Tibetan (1966-1974, 4 volumes).

According to Shafer (1966, p. I), there are four major literary languages within the Sino-Tibetan family: Chinese, Siamese, Burmese, and Tibetan (or Bodish, from Bod (1), the native name for Tibet). Beyond these, the family encompasses more than 400 languages, which he classified into six principal divisions: Sinitic (Chinese), Daic (Thai), Bodic (Tibetan, including Old Bodish or Classical Tibetan), Burmic (Burmese, including the Kukish languages of the Indo-Burmese frontier), Baric (Bodo and related languages), and Karenic (Karen). As Shafer observed, "A third of the population of the globe speaks one or more of these languages, [...] and [...] Sino-Tibetan speakers occupy an area extending from the Great Wall of China to the Malay Peninsula and from Kashmir to the Yellow Sea."

In terms of terminology, Shafer distinguished suffixes to indicate taxonomic levels: "-an" for a linguistic family, "-ic" for a major division, and "-ish" or "-ese" for subdivisions within a division. Following this convention, my use of the term Sinitic-Vietnamese is intended as a classificatory label for etymological grouping. It does not claim to establish a proven genetic connection, just as Shafer employed compound terms such as Sino-Daic or Sino-Bodic, but rather serves as a terminological device for comparative purposes.

On the question of polysyllabicity in Sino-Tibetan languages, Shafer noted that suffixes function as syllables appended to nouns, pronouns, or verbs. In some branches, such as Kukish, words were originally disyllabic or even trisyllabic in their primitive state. Methodologically, as Shafer himself explained:

"We must also take environmental phonetics into greater consideration than in most families. And this calls into question the rule – laid down by Antonine Meillet, I believe – that we must have at least three examples to rule out the possibility of accidental resemblance. But, after collecting four or five examples so that a positional equation is established, one may run across a sixth which does not strictly conform. When, as in Central Core Kurdish languages, one can often get twenty examples, one is almost certain to prove an exception. Frequently enough exceptions show up so that the environmental equation can be formulated." (p. 13)

Shafer observes that within genetically related languages, loanwords exchanged among them are often difficult to identify, whereas borrowings from unrelated languages are far easier to recognize (1966, p. 128). He further notes that a language may occasionally borrow a word it already possesses, and that many borrowings occurred so far back in time that they have since undergone regular phonetic shifts (p. 132). Although Shafer was speaking specifically of the Sino-Tibetan family, the same principle applies to the relationship between Vietnamese and Chinese. In many cases, the original Chinese forms and meanings may no longer survive, yet their etymological traces remain unmistakable. For this reason, and to avoid overburdening the listings, exceptions of this kind are excluded from the present study.

For those aligned with the Sino-Tibetan school, the following list of etymologies deserves close scrutiny. Specialists in the Mon-Khmer tradition should also take note, though many may be inclined to dismiss such evidence, as it unsettles long-held assumptions. This compilation, however, offers readers the opportunity to evaluate the Sino-Tibetan evidence directly, rather than relying solely on the older Mon-Khmer wordlists presented in the previous chapter. Ultimately, the judgment rests with the reader: whether the more than 400 items in these Sino-Tibetan listings demonstrate genuine connections to the proposed Sinitic-Vietnamese etyma, many of which, intriguingly, appear closer to Chinese itself than to other Sino-Tibetan languages.

Notes on conventions:

For the phonetic symbols used throughout this Sino-Tibetan chapter, I have attempted to align Shafer's notations with the International Phonetic Alphabet. In doing so, some accent marks and tonal indicators have been simplified or omitted. Although these adjustments are minimal, they may inevitably introduce occasional discrepancies in transcription or reconstruction. Nevertheless, readers should still be able to recognize the phonetic forms that support the plausibility of the cognates under examination.

Cognate forms are selectively presented. Exceptions previously mentioned are excluded, since many so-called irregular forms – though genuinely cognate across a chain of dialects and languages over time and space – often appear too divergent from Vietnamese to be useful here. Their inclusion would risk distracting or confusing readers, especially those less familiar with comparative reconstruction. For the same reason, certain items may appear more than once, as their etymologies intersect multiple Sino-Tibetan divisions and branches, serving as bridges across the comparative framework.

Where appropriate, the author supplements Shafer's Chinese forms (listed in the second column, some of which was credited to Haudricourt) with additional references. These are often slightly modified versions from Bernhard Karlgren's Grammatica Serica on Archaic Chinese. To these I add modern Mandarin (M) pinyin, for example M diān for 顛, and provide Chinese characters in the final column. I also annotate cases where Shafer omitted relevant Chinese forms, in order to highlight Chinese-Vietnamese cognates, such as {中 zhòng} for Vietnamese trúng or {爬 pá} for bò.

For Daic forms, Shafer relied on Haudricourt's data. Many of these are clearly cognate with Sino-Vietnamese and with portions of the Sinitic-Vietnamese etyma that are considered Chinese loans. Their Chinese equivalents are included here for clarification. This comparison reveals an important fact: the number of basic Chinese cognates in Daic languages is actually fewer than those identified in Vietnamese. This observation challenges the long-standing assumption, held by some Sinitic-Vietnamese historical linguists, that the Daic-Vietnamese correspondences originated solely from Daic. In reality, they are more plausibly explained as Chinese-Vietnamese or Old Chinese-proto-Vietic correspondences.

Accordingly, for Chinese entries originally cited by Haudricourt from the Daic division, where both Chinese and other Sino-Tibetan forms are listed side by side, the author annotates them selectively. If the cognacy is obvious, elaboration may be omitted to avoid redundancy; if clarification is needed, he re-emphasizes the etymology, even where it has already been discussed in detail elsewhere in this paper, for example,

châm	to light (fire)	**** M diǎn 點 tem-, Lao tām/ (p. 15)	**** { 點 diăn }
thẹn	be ashamed	**** M cán 慚 dzām-, OB ãdzoms (p. 15)	**** { 慚 cán }
mắng	reprimand	**** (Haudricourt) Daic Lao hmāŋ, Ahom, Tay Noir māń, Dioi mań (p. 474)	**** { 罵 mà }

For those Chinese ~ Vietnamese cognates found in Shafer's list of which the Chinese etyma are missing here, search the author's Từnguyên HánNôm for reference.

Convention: Shafer's phonetic symbols

(for a complete reference see Shafer 1966, p. IV)

		Stops		¯¯		Continuants
	?	unasp.	surd asp.	sonant	nasal	surd fric.	sonant fric.
gutturals		k	kʿ	g	ŋ	x	ɣ
palatals		tś	tśʿ	dź	ń (ŋ)	ś	ź
cerebrals		ţ	ţʿ	ɖ	ņ	ʂ	ʐ
dentals	t	t	tʿ	d	n	θ
labials	p	p	tʿ	b	m	f	v
Note: k', t'... palatalized k, t, etc. ɫ, surd l ê, â... mixed vowels approximately in the oral position of e, a, etc ʾa,ʾi... glottal opening ʔa, ʔi... aʾ, iʾ... glottal stop aʔ, iʔ, etc. e, o open e, o @ = /ɔ:/ English 'awe', Kukish @ is long ŕ (tongue tip ?) trilled r (n) a letter in parentheses indicates it is indistinctly spoken Tone marks: x/ rising; x- level, x_ low level, xˉ high level, x¯ higher than usual high level; x\ falling; x^ rising-falling (circumflex) numbers in the end of a native form, as han1, are the tones as numbered in Siamese written language (Daic xʾ = S. tone 1, ʾx = S. tone 2, ,x = S. level tone not marked in writing) Daic ń=ŋ Daic ? = glottal stop ʔ Kukish and Daic: ě, ǒ are closed; ē, ō are open r1, r2 have different phonetic developments in Kurkish languages or dialects l1, l2, l3, l4 have different phonetic reactions in Baric, X, any unaspirated surd occlusive, or an undetermined unaspirated surd occlusive, Xʿ, any aspirated occlusive, or an undetermined aspirated occlusive, ..., etc.

A. Comparative lexemes in Sinitic, Bodic, Daic, and Burmic languages

(against other Sino-Tibetan languages and dialects in all divisions and their branches)

Linguistic group names to follow after this double vertical bar || with pp. to indicate the pages where items are cited throughout Parts 1-5 in Shafer volumes 1966, 1967, 1968, 1970, 1974, respectively. || Stars rated from * to ****** are to indicate the degrees of cognateness of Vietnamese words with those of Sino-Tibetan etymologies, such as [ ****** M shì 市 źi/, Middle Burmese dźʿe\, Old Bodish rdźʿe 'barter' (p.14) || Burmish M Bur. dźʿe\, Lolo Ahi tśʿə\, Nyi kʿə\, Lolopho tśʿə¯ (p. 367) || ****** { 市 shì }" for VS "chợ". ] (It is noted that many a time there are Sino-Tibetan ~ Vietnamese cognates in the column "Tibetan etymologies" marked with ***** but in "Ratings on Chinese cognates" they are rated with only **, and vice versa, e.g., ** { 舌 shé } for V 'lưỡi' (tongue) but **** { 脷 lěi } (SV 'lợi') for VS 'lưỡi' \ Cant. /lei2/, are plausible. That is to say, the * to ****** for the Sino-Tibetan ~ Vietnamese vs. Chinese ~ Vietnamese cognates are rated independently.

III) Comparative listings

For any Vietnamese-Chinese etyma cited in the following table, you can refer to Table 2 in Vietnamese Vocabulary Between Austroasiatic and Sinitic Lineages for elaboration on their etymologies.

Vietnamese	Meaning	Tibetan etymologies	* Ratings on Chinese cognates
(bồng)bế	carry	**** N. Ass. Midźu ba (N),Taying ba (N) (p. 186), E. Nyising bü (p. 194) | (Haudricourt) Daic Siamese peek, Lao ɓɛk, Shan mɛk, Tay Noir, Tay Blac ɓɛʔ, Tho bɛk (p. 494)	**** { 抱 bāo } VS 'bồng', also, VS 'bế', cf. Hainanese /boŋ2/.
(dây)leo	creeper	**** M lěi 纍 lwi/, Luśei hrui (pp. 36-39)	**** { 纍 lěi } SV 'luỹ'
(nghẹn)ngào	weep	**** VS (nức)nở ?, M áo 嗷 ńau-, OB ńus, M Bur. ńui (pp. 36-39)	**** { 嗷 áo }
(đo)đạc	measure	**** VS 'đo' | (Haudricourt) Chin. 度 dāk (M dù), Daic Lao _thāk, Tay Noir, Tay Blanc, Dioi taʔ, Tho, Nung tāk, Cao-lan, Bê kwa (p.472)	**** { 度 dù } SV 'độ'
(đầu)gối	knee	* Luśei *kʿu, Siamese kʿo_1 (p. 59)	*** { 膝蓋 xīgài } VS "gối' a contraction of VS 'đầugối'.
ai	me (I)	*** Luhupa Branch Kukish *ʾei, Phadang i, Kupome ai, Khunggoi ei3 (p. 307) | Baric Garo ańa, Bodo, Metś ań < *áńa (p. 447)	*** { 俺 ăn }
bay(bổng?)	to fly	*** Chin pǔn\, Dimasa pur, OB pʿur | VS bổng, M fàn 翻 pʿan (to fly up (of aprks)) (p. 49), OB ãpʿa-bar (p. 74) || Eastern dialects mpʿurwa (p. 111), Minor group Toţo bi, Dhimal bʿir (p.168), Norther Assam Midźu pʿyuń, Meyöl pʿöń (p. 188), Burmish O Bur. pyam, M Bur. pyam, N Bur. pyã, Megyaw, Samong pe (p. 359)	*** { 翻 fàn }
biển	sea	*** Also VS bể | M. Bur. pań-lay, Karenic *pań, Pwo pə9-lai28, Sgaw pä7-lâ7, p@7-lâ7 (pp. 416, 418)	**** { 海 hăi } SV 'hải', VS 'khơi'
bà	grandmother	***** M bǐ 妣 pyi/, OB pʿyi-mo, Kukish *pi, Luśei pi, Dimasa a-bi (p. 49)	**** { 婆 pó } is much more plausibly cognate to SV 'bà' while ( 妣 bǐ < MC piɪ < OC *piʔ, *pis } originally means 'deceased mother'
bàn	table	**** (Haudricourt) Chin. bān- 盤 (M pán), Daic Shan ʿpān, Tay Noir, Tay Blanc, Tho, Nung, Mak pān, Dioi pan (p. 476)	**** { 案 àn } is more plausibly cognate to VS 'bàn' (table, desk, altar) than to denote disk-like ojbects such as ***** { 盤 pán } SV 'bàn' for VS 'mâm' (tray, plate, disk. pan) that mostly appear in compounds such as 石盤 shípán: SV 'bànthạch' (stone panel), 磨盤 mópán: VS 'bànmài' (millstone), 秤盤 chēngpán (steelyard pan), 一盤蔡 yìpáncài: VS 'một mâmcơm' (a tray of food), 下一盤棋 xià yī pánqí: VS 'chơi một váncờ' (play a round of checker game)
bànchân	foot	*** OB bań, OB rkań-pa (leg) || E. dialects Amdo hkań-wa (p. 106), Khams rkań-pa (p. 112), W. Hima. lang. Thebor bań-kʿat (p. 133)	**** { 腳板 jiăobăn }. cf. 手板 shǒubăn: VS 'bàntay' (palm)
bánh	cake, pastry	***** M bǐng 餅 pīń/, Siamese pēń\2 (meal, flour), Lao pēń\ (cake, bread) (p. 69) | (Haudricourt) Viet. bánh, Daic Siamese ʾpeeŋ, Lao pɛń, Ahom piŋ, Shan, Tho, Nung pɛń, Mak văń, Bê ɓiń (p. 495)	****** { 餅 bǐng } SV 'bính'
báo	speech	*** VS bảo 'report, inform, announce, publish', M bào 報 pau\ (Chin. report, inform), M Bur. po, Luśei *pao, Siamese, Lao pāw_1 (divulge, announce, publish) (p. 61)	*** { 報 bào } As many V specialists, Haudricourt just tried to map the vocable /bảo/ in to /báo/. Actually, VS 'bảo' was possibly derived from 道 dào (SV đạo).
bát(ngát)	broad	**** M bó 博 pāk (Shijing 50; 771 a-c), Kukish *pāk, Luśei pak, Dimasa –ba (p. 49), Mikir arpak (p. 277)	*** { 博 bó } SV 'bác'
bít	to clog	*** (Haudricourt) Daic Tay Blanc, Tho, Dioi ɓit, Nung bet, Bê mɯt (p. 486)	**** { 蔽 bì } as in 蒙蔽 méngbì (VS 'bưngbít'). 閉 bì (SV 'bế')
bò	cow	**** OB ba, OB E. *bik || A W. Bod. Burig bā (p. 83), Groma, Śarpa bo (calf), Dangdźongskad, Lhoskad ba (p. 93), Central Bodish Lagate pa-, Spiti, Gtsang, Dbus, Ãba bʿa, Mnyamslad, Dźad pa (p. 98), other Bod. languages Rgyarong (ki)-bri, -bru (p. 120), modern Bod. dialects New Mantśati (bullock), Tśamba Lahuli (ox) bań, Rangloi bań-ƫa (bullock) (p. 130) || also Chin. 牝 byi/ (Chin. cow, female of animal), OB ãbri-mo (tame female yak) (p. 59), Minor group Toţo pik-(a), Dimal pi-(a) (p. 187), Southern Branch Kukish *b@ń, Luśei b@ń, Thado boń, Vuite -b@ń- (p. 250), E. Himalayish bʿi, Khambu pi', Lohorong, Yakhha pik (p. 330) | for 'buffalo': Luśei pă-na, Khami *mă-na, Karenic *-na-, Karenni pæ2-nä2, Pwo pə1-na6, Sgaw pə2-nə8, Bwe pa-nä2 (p. 414) | (Haudricourt) Chin. ńǔ- 牛 (M níu), Siamese ŋwă, Lao, Tay Noir ńuo, Shan, Tay Blanc ńo, Tho, Nung mɔ, Sui mo, Mak pho (p. 501)	*** { 牝 bì } SV 'bí'.
bóc	flay, peel	***** (Haudricourt) Chin. 剝 p@k (M bò) | Siamese b@@k, Ahom pwak, Shan pôk, Tho pɔʔ, Nung pɔ (p. 508)	**** {剝 bò }
bông	flower	**** OB buń, M Bur. -pwańʾ || W. C E. Himal. lang. Thulung buńʾ, Tśaurasya, Waling, Balali, Vayu buń, Rungtśh, Kiranti buń-, Limbu, Yakha pʿuń (p. 146, 147), Southern Kukish Kukish *pār, Luśei pār, Śo ba (p. 220), OK Mara p@, Tlongsai p@-, Śandu pa (p. 271), Luhupa Branch Maring, Khibu, Ukhrul pār, Khoirao pān, Empeo -pa, Tśungli -ben, Rong -bor (p. 287), Khoireng -pen (p. 324), Tśairelish Katśinish pār, Kadu pan (p. 409) | Baric Garo bal, Metś -bar, Tśutiya i-ba, Wanang par, Atong pal-wa (V 'bônghoa?), Tintikiya par, Ruga pal, Rabha par, Katśinish pan (p. 427) | (Haudricourt) Daic Siamese taak, Lao dɔk, Shan mɔk, Tay Noir, Tay Blanc bɔʔ, Nun bɔk, Dioi doʔ (p. 468)	**** { 葩 pā }
bông, búp	flower, petals	*** M pàn 瓣 băn\ (petals), Siamese pān, Kukish *pār, Luśei pār, Mikir pār (petal),M Bur. pan\, Dimasa bar, Katśin pan, ban (p. 49), OB ãba, ãba-pa (to open, bgin to bloom) (p. 74)	*** { 瓣 pàn }
búa	axe	*** M fǔ 釜 pū, M. Bur. Pū- tśʿin (p. 49)	*** { 釜 fǔ } SV 'phù'
búp	bud	**** OB mum, M Bur. (arch.), Luśei -mūm (p. 71), Tśairelish Katśinish BOm?, Kadu, Khauri a-bum (p. 412)	**** { 蓓 bǒu }
bươmbướm	butterfly	*** OB pʿye-ma-lep, M Bur. lip-pra, Luśei -pʿe-hlep || Baric Branch: Garo -pi-lip (pp. 40, 41), Southern Kukish Śo pam-ba-lāt (p. 221)	* { 蝴蝶 húdié }
bản	village	*** Also VS 'buôn' | (Haudricourt) Daic Siamese ʾpān, Lao, Tay Noir, Tay Blanc, Nung, Tho bān, Ahom, Dioi ban (p. 260)	*** { 畈 fàn } SV 'phiến', Ex. 白水畈 Baishuifan Village in Hubei, for contraction of *** { 版納 bǎnnà }, Ex. 西雙版納 Xīshuāngbǎnnà Xishuangbanna Toenship in Yunnan. cf. Modern C 寨 zhài (SV trại), ex., 壯族寨 Zhuàngzúzhài (Zhuang village) in Guangxi Province.
bầu	gourd	**** M Bur. bʿu\, Luśei būr (p. 74)	**** { 瓢 piáo }
bẩn	dirty	*** S. K. Hwalngau bāl, Śo ba (p. 220)	*** {潣 mǐn } SV 'mẫn' (contaminated water, contamination).
bận	put on clothes, wear	*** Southern Branch Kukhish *bun, Kukish bun, Luśei bun, Ralte -bn-, Śiyang būn (p. 250) || Minor groups Newari pũ (K), Tśairelish Katśingish bun, Kadu pʿun (p. 411)	**** { 披 pì } See 'mặc'
bắn	to shoot	**** Siamese, Lao pēn_, Luśei perʾ (p. 49)	**** { 放 fàng } SV 'phóng'
bắp	corn	*** N. Ass. Midźu b@ (N), Taying ma-bōl(N) (p. 186)	*** { 棒 bàng }, or contraction of *** { 包子 bāomǐ } SV 'baomễ' \ /-m ~ - p/
bắp(chân)	calf of leg	**** M bīn 臏 bin/ (knee-cap, knee, leg, mod. 腓 pái for calves), OB byin-pa (p. 68)	*** { 臏 bīn }
bằng	equal	***** (Haudricourt) Daic Siamese, Lao, Tay Blanc pān (p. 476)	****** { 平 píng } SV 'bình'
bẹp	flat	**** Also V 'biển' ~ 'bảng' (board) M biăn 扁 pen/ (flat, signboard, tablet), Siamese pēn\2, Kukish *pēr, M Bur. pyań, Diamasa –pʿer, Katśin byen, pen, Siamese, Lao pēn\2 (p. 66), Tśairelish Katśinish pʿēk, Kadu pye (p. 409)	**** { 扁 biăn }
bọ	insect	**** Chin. bǔ\ (Shijing 102 l' – m': 'crawl' = Vietnamese 'bò'. It is interesting to see the phonetic resemblance of these two words.), M Bur. pui\, OB ãbu (p. 51), Burmish Bur. *bui\, Lolo Phumoi bo\, Nyi bu\, Ahi bö\, bu\, Lolopho bö\, Phumoi bu, Wei-ning bü (p. 368)	*** { 巴 bā } SV 'ba' (insect), ** { 匍 pú }. See 'bò' (crawl) .
bọc	to envelop	*** (Haudricourt) Siamese p@@k, Lao, Tho, Nung pɔk, Ahom pwak, Shan pôk, Tay Blanc pɔʔ (p. 508)	**** { 包 bāo }. Ex. 包起來 bāoqilái (bọclại)
bọt	bubble	**** OB sbu-ba || A W. Bob. zbw-, Burig zbal- (p. 81)	**** { 泡 pào }
bố	father	***** M fù 父 bū/ ('father, elderly relatives of the same surname, old man'), M Bur. bʿui\, Luśei pu (p. 60) | (Haudricourt) Siamese b@@ʾ, Lao phɔ, Shan, Tay Noir, Tay Blanc, Tho pɔ, Ahom, Nung, Dioi po (p. 507)	****** { 父 fù } SV 'phụ'
bồcâu	dove	***** M báigē 白鴿 < gē 鴿 kǔ- 'pigeon, turtle-dove, O Bur. *m-kʿrui\, M Bur. kʿrui, Kukish m-kʿru, S. Khami mă-kʿrui, Zumomi me-ke-du7, Tengima mě-kʿru (pp. 25-27) || Northern Assam Miśing pe-ki, Yano pü-kʿü, E. Nyising pü-kʿüü, Tagen pu-kʿu (p. 199)	**** { 白鴿 báigē }
bỗng	suddenly	*** Burmish M. Bur. pʿrut-, N. Bur. pʿyouʾ-, Lawng pyat ('fast') (p. 358)	**** { 勃 bó } cf. 勃然 bórán 'bỗngnhiên' ~ 'bỗngdưng' (out of a sudden)
bộp	hit, strike	**** M pú 撲 pʿok, OB pʿog (p. 70)	**** { 撲 pú }
bột	flour	**** OB pʿye || A W. Bod. Sbalti -pʿe, Burig -pʿe (p. 82)	**** { 粉 fěn }. See 'bụi'
bụi	dust	**** Kukish *pʿut, Luśei pʿut, M Bur. pʿut, OB bud (p.46)	*** { 粉 fěn }. cf. VS 'bột' (flour), 'bún' (noodle)
bụng	belly, stomach	***** M fú 腹 puk, Siamese, Lao pūm\, Kukish *p@, *puk, Luśei p@, pum, *puk, M Bur. -puik, wam\-puik, Dimasa bik-ma (p. 49), OB pʿo-ba, ze-bug, (p. 69) || OT Bob. lang. Gurung, Muri pʿo, Thaksya pʿo4 (p. 124), Southern Kukish Śo a-bu(ə)n (p. 221),Old Kukish Haka p@, Tlongsai peu (p. 269), Burmish Lolo poń, Akha po¯ (p. 374)	**** ( 腹 fú } SV 'phục'.
bứt	pull out weeds	**** OB pʿut (pf.) || OT Bod. lang. Tsangla pʿut (p. 118)	**** { 拔 bá }
bự, bà	large, female	*** C. Br. Kukish *pui, Luśei pui, Haka pi, Śonśe, Bandźogi -pi (p. 234), S. Br. (also 'female') Thado -pí, Śiyang -pui, Vuite pi (p. 249)	*** { 婆 pó } (woman) For the gloss 'large', VS 'bự' { 丕 pī } (SV 'phi')
cam	orange	**** (Haudricourt) Chin. kām 柑 (M gān), Daic *kām, Tay Blanc, Tho, Nung kām, Dioi kam (p. 477)	***** { 柑 gān }
chua	sour	**** M suān 酸 suān-, Kukish *tʿar\, Kanauri sur-, Luśei tʿar (p. 52) || OB sur- (Rodong), Luśei tʿur (p. 74) || Also OB skyur-po, Archaic West Bodish dialects Sbalti, Burig skyur-, West Central and East Himalayish Bahing, Thulung dźyur-, Dumi, Khulung -dźur, Vayu dźu- (p. 144)	**** { 酸 suān }
chuột	rat, mouse	**** Luhupa Branch Kukish **b-yu\, Luśei zu, Maring yu-, Phalang ma-su3, Kipome ma-dźeu, Kwoireng tă-dźa, Empeo -zu (p. 305) | Baric Namsangia dźu-pu, Banpara źu, zu, yu (p. 428) | (Haudricourt) Chin ʾtsǐ 子 (M zǐ), 'Year of the Rat' Lao, Tay Blanc ʾtśəɯ, Dioi śaw (pp. 524, 525)	****** { 鼠 shǔ }. See also 'sóc' (squirrel)
chàm	indigo	**** M lán 藍 lām-, OB rams, Siamese grām (p. 72) | (Haudricourt) Viet. 'chàm', Daic Lao khām, Shan, Nung kham (p. 260), Mak, Li lām (p. 477)	**** { 藍 lán } SV 'lam'
cháu	nephew	*** M zhí 姪, Kukish *tʿu, Luśei, M Bur. tu, Dimasa du- (p. 48)	**** { 姪, 侄 zhí } for VS 'cháu'.
châm	to light (fire)	**** M diăn 點 tem-, Lao tām/ (p. 15)	**** { 點 diăn } SV 'điểm'
chânmày	eyebrow	**** W. Himal. lang. Thebor mik-tśam (also 'eyelashes'), Kanauri mik-tsam (p. 140)	**** { 眉梢 méishāo }. Also, 眉尖 méijiān.
chèo	row	**** (Haudricourt) Chin. dʿău\ 棹 (M zhuó), Viet. 'chèo', Daic Siamese tśew, Lao, Tay Blanc. Tho _tśew (p. 497)	**** { 棹 zhuó } SV 'trảo'.
chì	lead	**** (Haudricourt) Viet. 'chì', Siamese dzǐn, Lao, Shan sɯn, Tay Blanc, Tay Noir tsɯm, Nung tśɯn, Dioi śen (p. 514)	*** { 鉛 qiān, yán }
chí, chấy	louse	**** OB śig || W. Himal. lang. Kukish hrig, Bunan śrig, Thebor śi, Kanauri rik (p. 135) | Baric Garo tik, Dimasa tʿi-pu, tʿi-ku, Mośang tik, Tipora mok-ol, Bodo meg-an (p. 445)	**** { 蝨 shī }, also, **** { 虱 shī }.
chích	to bite	**** M zhí 蟄 śīk, OB tśig (Kanauri), Siamese tśǐk_ (p. 66)	**** { 蟄 zhí }
chín	ripe	** Baric Namsangia tśum, Muthun, Banpara dźum, Lulung yim, Angwanku e-dźim, Tśang săm- (p. 448)	** { 熟 shú, also, VS 'rục' }
chó	dog	**** Burmish Bur. *kʿwi\, M Bur. kʿwe\, Lolo Phumoi, Akha kʿu\, Nyi, Lolopho tśʿə\ (p. 366)	**** { 狗 gǒu }
chúa	master	***** (Haudricourt) Chin. 主 tśu (M zhǔ), Viet. 'chúa', Siamese ʾtśau, Lao, Tay Noir, Tay Blanc, Ahom, Tho, Nung, tśaw, Shan, Dioi săw (p. 522)	****** { 主 tśu zhǔ } SV 'chủ'
chơi	play	*** Luhupa Branch Kukish *tśai, Luśei tśai, Hlota tśa- (p. 310)	**** { 耍 shuă }, as in '玩耍 wánshuă' }
chất	heap together	**** M zú 族 dzok [?] (to collect together), OB ãdzog-pa(p. 70)	**** { 簇 cù } SV 'thốc'. This 族 zú is the prior form of 簇 cù that was meant by both authors, Haudrucourt and Shafer.
chết	die	** (Haudricourt) Daic Siamese grak, Lao, Shan khok, Tay Noir, Tay Blanc tśok (p. 260)	*** { 死 sǐ } SV 'tử'. { 逝 shì }SV 'thệ'
chỉ	finger; point at	**** M zhǐ 指 tśi/, Siamese dźi2 (p. 59)	***** { 指 zhǐ } as in 'chỉchỏ', hence, VS 'trỏ'
chị	elder sister	**** M zǐ 姊 tsi/, OB ʾa-tśʿe, Katśin tśet ? (p. 52) | 'man's sister' Luhupa Branch Kukish *far, Luśei, Maring tśar, Ukhrul -tsar, Kupome -dźa-, Maram -ti-, Kwoireng -tan- (p. 324)	****** { 姊 zǐ }. cf. 姐 jiě is (SV 'thơ', 'thư', VS 'chế') common in use in modern Mandarin, though. For 姊 zǐ, SV 'tỉ' but mostly obsolete.
chịu	endure	***** (Haudricourt) Viet. chịu, Chin. ʿźiəu 受 (M shòu), Daic *dźiw, Lao, Tay Blanc tśiu, Tay Noir, Nung -'tśiu (p. 487)	**** { 受 shòu }
chọn	choose	**** (Haudricourt) *xr@@ŋ, Siamese k@@ŋ, Lao, Tay Noir, Shan khɔń, Ahom khwraŋ, Tay Blanc qhɔń (p. 509)	*** { 選 xuăn }
chợ	market	****** M shì 市 źi/, Middle Burmese dźʿe\, Old Bodish rdźʿe 'barter' (p.14) || Burmish M Bur. dźʿe\, Lolo Ahi tśʿə\, Nyi kʿə\, Lolopho tśʿə¯ (p. 367)	****** { 市 shì } SV 'thị'
chữ	letters	***** (Haudricourt) Chin. 字 dzǐ\, dʒi (M zì), Siamese sǐ, Lao, Tay Noir sɯ, Tho tsɯ, Dioi sɯ (p. 513)	****** { 字 zì }
cong	crooked	**** M Bur. kwań\, OB koń (p.46), Old Kukish Kuki *-koi, Luśei koi, Biate koi (p. 255), Meithlei -kʿoi- (p. 282) | Baric Dimasa goń, Garo goń-, Namsangia -kuań (p 427)	**** { 弓 gōng } SV 'cung' (also, 'bow')
cuốc	dig a hole, hoe	**** M chú 鋤 ɖʐǒ- (to hoe, excavate), Luśei tśo (Dimasa dźao) (p. 61) | (Haudricourt) Viet. cuốc, *kw@k, Tay Noir kuoʔ, Tho, Nung, Bê kuok, Sui kwak, Mak kūk, Li thaw (p. 502)	**** { 鋤 chú }
cuộn	to coil	**** Also VS cuốn 'roll', M juān 卷, 捲 kwīn (roll, scroll, roll up), OB bsgril (to wind), M Bur. kʿwe, Luśei kual (p. 75)	**** { 卷 juān }
cà	aubergine	**** (Haudricourt) Viet. 'cà', Chin. 茄 gă- (M qié), Siamese khǐe, Lao khɯə, Shan, Tay Blanc khə, Dioi _kuə, Mak kə (p. 515)	****** { 茄 qié }
cành	branch, fork	*** M gé 格 *kāk, M Bur. kʿak (p. 72), Luhupa Branch Kukish *kāk, Luśei kāk, Zumoni -kü-ba (p. 320) | Kukish kāk, Baric Mośang -kāk, Ka. lă-ga (p. 444)	**** { 格 gé } (cf. 胳 gé: VS 'cánh' )
càocào	grasshopper	* Luhupa Branch Kukish *kʿau, Luśei kʿao, Ukhrul kʿaǒ, Imemai kʿ-to-zê, Zumoni tʿla-ku (p. 312)	*** { 蚱蜢 zhàměng }
cày	plow	*** Siamese tʿai/, M Bur. tʿay, Katśin tʿai(p.45)	*** { 耜 sì }
cá	fish	**** M yú 魚 ńǒ-, OB nya, < *ńya, M. Bur. ńa\, Luśei ńa\ | cf. Luhupa Branch (p. 288): Ukrul, Phadang, Khoirao, Kabui kʿai, Kupome, Khunggoi, N. Luhupa kʿi, Maram, Dayang –ka, Kwoireng -kʿa, Kabui kʿa (Go), Empeo, Zumoni -kʿa, Imemai -kʿ@ (pp. 36-39), Luhupa Branch Kukish *kʿai, Ukhrul, Phadang, kʿai, Tśanmphung -kʿai, Kupome, Khunggoi, N. Luhupa kʿi, Kabui -ka, Imemai -kʿ@, Zumoni -kʿa (p. 288), Ukhrul, Phadang kʿai, Kupome, Khunggoi kʿi (p. 309)	**** { 魚 yú } SV 'ngư'. (See previous chapter for the etymology of 'cá'.)
cánh	wing	*** N. Assam Midźu kloń (M), Meyöl (p. 185) | Baric Garo grań, Tipora -kra (feather), Metś grań, Dimasa -gă-rań (feather), Wanang ka-rań, Mośang wu-roń, Banpara rań (p 428)	** { 胳 gé }
cân	weigh	***** M jīn 斤, M Bur. kʿyin, Luśei kʿīn (p. 68)	***** { 斤 jīn }, also, means weight unit a 'catty'.
câu	hook	**** M jìu丩kǔ-, OB kyu (p. 59) | 'fishhook' OK Kukish *ar-t?-kuai, Luśei -kuai, Mara kei (p. 269)	***** { 鉤 gōu } SV 'câu'
cây	tree, trunk	*** Kunkish *kūń, Luśei kūń, M Bur. ă-kuiń\ (p.46) | Central Branch Haka kūń, Kapwi kūn (p. 242)	*** { 棵 kē, kuăn } (SV 'khoả' and 'khoản') might be associated with both concepts 'tree, trunk': M 棵 kē, kuăn < MC ko < OC *kwo.
cãi	quarrel	*** OK Kuki *kalʾ, Luśei kalʾ, Anal kal- (p 257)	*** { 吵 chăo } Possibly contraction of VS 'cãicọ' { 吵架 chăojià }
cóc	frog, toad, pipa	**** M hā 蛤 kāp, Siamese k@p- (p. 67) | OK Kuki *Prok, Luśei, Lamgang -ţok, Tarao -tok (pp. 262-262) | (Haudricourt) Siamese k@p, Lao, Shan, Tay Noir, Tay Blanc, Tho, Nung, Dioi kop, Mak kwăp (p. 506)	**** { 蛤 hā } SV 'cáp' (toad). cf. 'nhái' 蛙 wa: SV 'oa' (frog)
cùi(chỏ), khuỷu	elbow	*** M jū 矩 kū/, Kukish *ku, Luśei kiu, O Bod kʿyu (p.46)	** { 矩 jū } SV 'cự' (carpenter's square). Cf. *** { 肘 zhǒu } (SV 'trừu'): plausibly VS 'khuỷ' (elbow), M 肘 zhǒu < MC ʈəw < OC *truʔ, *triwʔ, ex. 手肘 shǒuzhǒu: VS 'cùichỏ' and 'khuỷutay' (elbow).
cùng	together	*** Kukish M-kʿ@m || N. Ass. Miśing kum (p. 204)	*** { 共 gòng } SV 'cộng'. Also, *** { 同 tóng } SV 'đồng'
cú	owl	**** VS cũ 'old', M jìu 舊 gǔ\ (Chin. modern 'old', it is interesting see the phonetic resemblance in both words.), M Bur. ku, Luśei *ku, Siamese, Lao go^ (p. 60) | Baric Garo, Bodo, Metś, Tipora, Dimasa, Namsangia -kʿudu (p. 427) || other Bod. languages Rgyarong -kʿu (p. 120) | Baric Tipora, Bodo, Metś -kʿu (p. 441)	**** { 舊 jìu } SV 'cựu', also, 'cũ' (inanimate - old)
cúi	bend down	**** OK Kukish *kūr, Luśei kūr, Mikir kur (p. 278)	*** { 局 jú } SV 'cục'
cũ	old	**** (Haudricourt) K. gịəuʾ, S. gǔ\ 舊 (M jìu), Siamese kauʾ, Lao, Tay Noir, Tay Blanc, Shan, Tho, Nung, Dioi kăw, Ahom kaw, Bê kaw (p. 522)	****** { 舊 jìu } Also, VS 'cú' (owl). Cant. /kâw2/
cũng	also	*** (Haudricourt) Siamese k@, Lao kɔ, Shan, Tay Noir, Ahom ko (p. 507)	*** { 共 gòng } cf. 共同 gòngtóng: VS 'cùngchung' (altogether)
cơm	food, cooked rice	*** Burmish Bur. *tśa-, M Bur. tśa, Lolo Nyi tsa-, Ahi tso- (p. 366)	*** { 膳 shān } Cf. 餐 cān (SV xán), 飯 fàn (SV 'phạn', VS bữa 'meal')
cải	mustard	**** (Haudricourt) Chin. 芥 kaiʾ < *kāts? (M jiè), Daic Siamese, Lao, Shan, Tay Noir, Tay Blanc, Tho, Nung kāt, Dioi kat, Sui qāt, Mak kāt (p. 475)	**** { 芥 jiè }
cầm	hold	**** (Haudricourt) Daic Siamese krām, Lao, Shan, Tay Noir, Tay Blanc kăm, Nung kam, Sui ʔñăm, Mak ñăm (p. 482)	***** { 擒 qín }
cần	pole	**** SV 'cán' | (Haudricourt) Chin. 杆 kān (M gàn), Daic Siamese ʾkān, Lao, Shan, Tay Noir, Tho, Nung kăn (p. 475)	**** { 杆 gàn } SV 'cán'
cậu	uncle	***** M jìu 舅 gǔ/, OB kʿu-bo, M Bur. *kʿu (p. 60), Luhupa Branch Tśungli, Mongsen, Tśangki -kʿu, Rong -ku2 (p. 306)	****** { 舅 jìu } SV 'cữu'
cắn	bite	**** O Bur. *m-kei3, Ukhrul -mă-kei, Khadang n-ki, Khunggoi ma-ka-, kabu kai-, Maram ma-ke, Luhupa Branch Kukish *t-kei, Luśei keiʾ, Maring kă-mei, Phadang -n-ki-, Khunggoi ma-ka-, Maram ma-ke-, Kwoireng ma-ki, Kabui kai-, Khoirao n-kei-, Empeo n-ki (p. 308) | Baric Wanang, Atong kak-, Tingtikiya kań-(na), Ruga, Rabha kak-, (p. 427) Mośang kok, Namsangia kak- (p. 444)	**** { 啃 kěn }
cắp	steal	*** OB rku, Burmese kʿui\, Baric Mosang a-gu, Namsangia hu-, Angwangku ku, Tśang kok (p. 428)	*** { 竊 qiè }
cắt	cut	**** OB btśad || OT Bod. lang. Tsangla tśa (p. 117) | (Haudricourt) Daic Siamese, Lao, Ahom, Shan, Tay noir, Tay blanc, Dioi, Mak kăt, Li hăt (p. 456). Also, SV cát, Chin. kat 割 (M gé) Daic *geet, Lao khɛt, Ahom kit, Shan, Nung kɛt (pp. 496, 480)	****** { 割 gé } SV 'cát'
cằm	chin	**** Luśei kʿa, Karenic *kʿa\, Pwo kʿə28-lə1, Sgaw kʿə7, Bwe kʿä2 (p. 414) | Baric Dimasa kʾu-sga, Namsangia kaʾ, Banbara ka (jaw), Tśang kau-śań (p 427)	**** { 頷 hàn }
cằm	chin, jaw	*** M jiá 頰 kep, | OB mgal, O Bur. *m-kʿa, Panku (le) kʿa,Biate (St) ma-kʿa, lamgang ba-kʿa (pp.25-27), Kukish *m-kʿa, Luśei kʿa, Dimasa /-ska, Katśin n-kʿa, Siamse, Lao kēm\2 (p.44) || A W. Bod. Sbalti -gal (p. 81), Old Kukish Meithlei kʿa- (p. 280), Luhupa Branch Ukhrul mă-kʿa, Maram ma-kʿo, Kabui ku-, Khoirao ka- (p. 301)	**** { 頷 hán } (SV 'hàm'): VS 'cằm', 'hàm' (jaw, chin). Modern M 頰 jiá denotes 'cheeks (VS 'gò(má)' ~ M 面頰 miànjiá.
cẳng	foot, leg	**** VS 'chân', 'chơn', OB rkań || A W. Bod. Sbalti rkań 'origin', skań 'shin' (p. 79), Southern Bodish Dangdźongskad, Lhoskad, Śarpa kań- (p. 90), Eastern dialects Amdo rkań-wa (p. 105), Southern Kukish: Kukish *-kʿoń, Śo kʿon (p. 221), Old Kukish Luśei kʿoń, Meithlei kʿōń (p. 284), all other Old Kukish languages show the articulation of /ke/ (p. 253), Burmish Bur. *kʿri, M Bur. kʿre, Lolo Phumoi kʿu, Akha kʿu\, Ahi kʿi-, Nyi, Lolopho tśʿə-, Chöko tś (p. 366), Tśairelish Katśinish kʿoń/, Kadu lă-goń (p. 412) || OB rkań-pa, Karenic *kʾań, Karenni mä, Pwo kʾə9, Sgaw kʾ@7, Taungthu kań, Yinbaw kańn\, Taungyi -kʾań1, Thaton kʾań3 (pp. 418, 419) | (Haudricourt) Daic Siamese ʾkheeŋ, Lao khɛń, Shan, Tho kɛń, Tay blanc qhɛń, Dioi hɛń (p. 495)	**** { 脛 jìng }, cf. 足 zú (VS chân) 'foot', 腳 jiăo (VS 'giò') 'leg'
cặt	penis	** OB mdźe- || A W. Bob. Sbalti dźe- (p. 81)	**** { 鳩 jīu }, also, dialectal forms: *** { 龜 guī }, *** { 屌 diăo }, etc. }
cọp	tiger	**** Old Burmese t-kei, Middle Burmese kya\ < *kla < *kī-la, Luśei -kei, Tśiru ă-kei, Mara tśa-kei, Meithlei kei, Mikir te-ke (pp.22-23), Southern Branch Kukish *t-kei, Luśei keiʾ, Thado -kei, Śiyang, Vuite kei (p. 248), Old Kukish Tśiru -kei, Amol ă-kei, Purum kei, Hrangkhol -gei, Hallam -ǐkei (p. 253), Old Kukish Mara tśa-kei, Tlongsai, Hawthai, Zotung kei (p. 268), Khami tă-kei, Mikir ta-ke (p. 277), Karenic Pwo -kʿē38_, Sgaw kʿē2, Bwe kʿe (p.416)	**** { 虎 hǔ }. See 甝 hán: VS 'hùm'
cỏ	grass	*** OB stswa || A W. Bod. Sbalti rtswa, Burig śtsoa (p. 79)	**** { 草 căo }
cồng	drum	**** OK Kuki *kʿuań, Luśei kʿuań, Tśiru, Lamgang kʿoń, Aimol kʿūwoń, Langrong -kʿ@ń, Hrangkhol kʿoń-, Kolhreng kʿūwoń, Kom kʿan (p. 260)	**** { 鼓 gǔ } SV 'cổ'
cổ	throat	*** OB lkog-ma || A W. Bod. Sbalti rkox | Karenic *gok, Pwo kʿǒʾ1, Sgaw kǒ4 (p. 417)	**** { 喉 hóu }
cột	bind, tie	**** N. Ass. Midźu kid3 (M), Meyöl kid3 (p. 185), Tśairelish Katśinish kʿit, Kadu git (p. 410)	**** { 結 jié } SV 'kết'
cụ	headman	**** Also VS gộc ?, SV cự, M jǔ 巨 gǒ/ (Chin. 'large, great, chief'; Chin. Śan kʿuiw1 'be great, large in bulk, size; be proud, self important'), OB ãgo, Siamese, Lao go^2 (beginning, origin, cause) (p. 61)	*** { 巨 jǔ }, for **** { 考 kăo } SV 'khảo'
củ	potato	*** OB skyi-ba || W. C E. Himal. lang. Dumi ki 'yam', Kulung kʿe, Rodong -ki, Kiranti, Waling -kʿi, Balali kʿu, Limbu, Yakkha kʿe (p. 152)	*** { 薯 shǔ }
cứng	hard	*** M qiáng 強 găń/, Kukish *krań ?, Ka. Greń, OB m-kʿrań (p. 65) || Also: 'firm, solid': M jiān 堅 ken-, Siamese kēn_1 (p.46) | Southern Kukish Śo kāń (p. 221)	**** { 強 qiáng, qiăng } SV 'cường' (strong), 'cưỡng' (reluctant). cf. **** { 僵 jiāng } (SV cương)
cứt	dung, feces, excrement	*** M shǐ 屎 tśi, OB ltśi-ba (p. 59), skyi-bskyis, Siamese kʿī\2, M. Bur. kʿye\, Dimaras kʿi, Katśin kʿyi (p.44), Burmish Bur. *kʿyi\, Lolo Ahi kʿi\, Nyi tśʿə\, Lolopho tśʿə¯ (p. 366) | Karenic Sgaw kʾī2- (p. 421)	**** { shǐ 屎 }
cừu	goat	**** V. trừu 'sheep', OK Kuki *kēl, Luśei kēl, Tśiru, Purum, Lnagong kel, Kom ke (p. 259), Luhupa Branch Maring, Ukhrul yaǒ (p. 312)	*** { 羭 yú }, (SV du) for VS 'trừu' (sheep) while *** { 羔 gāo }, possibly VS 'cừu'.
cử, kỵ	fear	**** M jì 忌 gyi\, Kukish *kri, M Bur. kre\ (p.46) || Luhupa Branch Longla kʿi-, Holta kʿyu (p. 305)	**** { 忌 jì }. (See also VS 'sợ', 'dè' )
cửa	door	**** OB sgo || A W. Bob. zgo, Burig zgō (p. 81), Eastern dialect sgo (p. 111), Minor groups Kukish kʿār, Newari kʿā, Burmish M Bur. kʿa\, (p. 384), Lolo Lisu kʿa (p. 384)	**** { 戶 hù } SV 'hộ'.
dao	knife	***** (Haudricourt) Viet. 'dao', Chin. tao- 刀 (M dāo), Tay Noir, Tay Blanc, Tho tāw, Dioi taw (pp. 523, 524)	****** { 刀 dāo } SV 'đao'
dài	long	*** (Haudricourt) Siamese, Ahom, Shan, Tay Noir yāw, Lao ñāw, (p. 524)	*** { 長 cháng }
dày	thick	*** OK Kukish *tʿsaʾ, Luśei tʿsaʾ, Mara tʿsa (p. 266) | Baric Namsangia -tat (fat), Angwanku dʒei, Phom dʒet (p. 448)	*** { 厚 hòu }
dám	gall, courage	**** M dăn 膽 tăm-, Siamese, Lao tām\ (p. 72) | (Haudricourt) Viet. dám, Daic *ʔyāmʾ2, Tay Noir -yāmʾ, Tay Blanc yām (p. 478)	**** { 膽 dăn } SV 'đảm'. See 'dạn'
dè	fear	*** Also 'sợ'. (See also cử, kỵ) Luhupa Branch Kukish *kri, Luśei ţi, Maring, Khunggoi, Mongsen tśi-, Ukhrul ńă-tśi, Phadang n-dźé, Tśangki tsắ- (p. 290), Tśungli -tso, Mongsen tsi-, also Tśangki tsê- (p. 305)	**** { 懼 jù }
dê	goat, wild goat	***** M yáng 羊 ịań || Burmish Lolo Nyi źo/, Ahi źu-, Lolopho ya/ (373), also O Bur. *-it, M Bur. tśʿit, Lolo Phumoi tsut, Akha tśʿi, Ulu tśʿyi (p. 372), OK Kukish *M-ya, Luśei, Mara sa-ya, Tlongsai s@-z@ (p. 266), also Kukish *yau, Meithlei yao (sheep) (p. 282), Kukish *me, Luśei me, Śandu mya (p. 269), Luhupa Branch Maram mi, Kwoireng, Khoirao -ka-mi (p. 307)	**** { 羊 yáng } SV 'dương', Tchiewchow /yẽw/. For Kukish *yau, Meithlei yao (sheep), compare SV 'mùi' wèi 未 (SV vị) as in the 12 animal Zodiac table)
dòm	stare	*** Viet. also 'nhòm', (Haudricourt) Tay Noir, Nung, Dioi yɔm, Tho, Tay Blanc ñɔm (p. 512)	*** { 望 wàng }, possibly 'ngóng'. Also, 瞻 zhān: SV 'chiêm'
dòng	water course	**** OK Kukish *duń, Luśei duń, Mikir doń (p. 278)	**** { 湧 yǒng }
dưa	melon	**** (Haudricourt) Chin. 瓜 guă (M guā), Daic Siamese, Cao-lan, Mak, Bê kwa (p.472)	**** { 瓜 guā }
dưới	under	*** (Haudricourt) Viet. 'dưới', Chin. tăi/ 底 (M dǐ) (?), Siamese ʾtaǐ, Lao, Shan, Tay Blanc, Tho, Nung, Tay Noir təɯ, Ahom taü, Dioi taɯ, Li thəɯ (p. 525) | OK Kuki *tʿaui, Luśei tʿaui-a, Tśiru tʿ@ị, Aimol tʿoy-a2, Purum -tʿūy-a, Hallam tʿoy-a (p. 253)	*** { 底 dì } SV đế, also, **** VS 'đáy' (bottom). For VS 'dưới', it fits into the sound change pattern /đ-/ ~ /j-/, ex. /đáy/ ~ /dưới/
dạn	brave	*** (Haudricourt) Daic *ŋhān, Siamese hān, Lao, Shan, Tay Noir hān (p. 476)	**** { 敢 găn } SV 'cảm'. See 'dám' (daring).
dẫn	lead, take by hands	***** (Haudricourt) Daic Siamese, Ahom tśuŋ, Lao, Tay Noir, Tay Blanc, Tho, Nung tśuń, Shan suń (p. 489) || Burmish Lolo tsiń\, Ahi tsań\ (p. 374)	***** { 引 yǐn }
dậy	stand up	*** Burmish O. Bur. ryap, M Bur. rap, N. Bur. yaʾ, Arak. yatʾ, Tavoy yat, Letśi, Tsaiwa yap (p. 359)	**** { 起 qǐ }. Also, 'dạy'
dệt	weave	*** Burmish O. Bur. rak, M. Bur. rak, N. Bur. yeʾ, Intha yak, Danu yet, Tavoy yit (p. 346), Lolo Ahi ye\, Nyi ie-, Lolopho yi (p.370)	**** { 織 zhí }
dứt	finish	*** (Haudricourt) Daic Siamese, Lao, Ahom, Tay Blanc sut, Shan shut, Dioi sat (p. 490)	*** { 止 zhǐ } SV 'chỉ'
eo	waist, loins, middle part	***** M yāo 腰 ịau-, Siamese ěw, Lao ěw/ (p. 64) | (Haudricourt) Daic Siamese ʔeew, Lao, Tay Blanc ɛw (pp. 497, 498)	**** { 腰 yāo } SV 'yêu'.
gai	thorn	** Burmish Bur. *tś(ʿ)o\, M Bur. tśʿu, Lolo Lolopho tśu (p.369)	**** { 莿 cì }
gang	iron core	***** (Haudricourt) Viet. 'gang', Chin. 鋼 kāng (M gāng), Daic *khāŋ, Lao, Tay Noir, Nung khāń, Tho qhāń, Dioi hāń, Mak kāń (p.473)	**** { 鋼 gāng }
ghẹ	crab	**** M xié 蟹 ɣeyi/ (366: Li-chi 861-d), Siamese gey (small prawns), (p. 63) Kukish t ?-ɣai (p. 200) || Northern Assam Miśing ta-ke, Yano ta-tśie (p. 200), Old Kukish Luśei ai, Mara tśa-ia (< *t-ai) Kami tă-ai, Mikir tśe-he (p. 277)	**** { 蟹 xié }. Also, 'cua' (crab)
ghế, kỷ	seat	**** M jì 几 kyi/, OB kʿri (p.46)	**** { 几 jì } SV 'kỷ', ex. 長几 chángjì SV 'trườngkỷ' (bench). cf. 椅 yí: VS 'ghế' (chair)
già	grow old	**** M qí 耆 gyi-, OB bgres, M Bur. kri\ (p. 61), as 'old, aged' OB rmo, rmos || A W. Bob. Sbalti rgas-, Burig rgas- (p. 80)	**** { 耆 qí }
giêng	first month	**** M zhèng 正 śīń, Lao tśyəń (tśień) (p. 69) | (Haudricourt) Viet. giêng, Chin. tśiń-, Daic *tśīyeń, Lao tśīeń, Shan seŋ, Tay Noir, Tho tśieŋ, Tay Blanc tśeŋ, Dioi śień, Mak śīń (p. 499)	**** { 正 zhèng } as in 'thánggiêng' for 正月 zhèngyuè (used to indicate the first month of the calendar and now includes Julian calendar. Also, it could be 元 yuán as both appear with 月 yuè in the same context. }
gió	wind	*** OB rdzi || A W. Bod. Ladwags zi (p. 86), Luhupa Kukish t-k-?-kʿli, Luśei tʿli,Tengima -kʿra (p. 292)	**** { 風 fēng }, also, VS 'giông' }
giông	wind	**** M fēng 風 puń-, O Bur. *m-puń, Hlota m-poń, Tśungli mo-puń, Tengsa mă-puń, Yatśam mo-puń (pp. 25-27), Luhupa Branch Kukish *m-puń, Mongsen m-uń (p. 318)	**** { 風 fēng }, also VS 'gió'.
giấy	paper	**** (Haudricourt) Viet. thêu (?), Daic *ʿtśīye, Lao tśīye, Shan shew, Tay Blanc, Tho, Nung, Dioi sew (p. 498)	**** { 紙 zhǐ } SV 'chỉ'.
giặc	enemy	***** (Haudricourt) Viet. 'tặc', Chin. 賊 dzək (M zéi), Siamese sǐk, Lao, Tay Blanc, Tay Noir, Tho sək, Shan shuk, Nung śək, Dioi śak(p. 514)	**** { 賊 zéi } SV 'tặc'
giời	sun	*** Also: 'trời', 'ngày' (day) | OB nyi-, M rì 日 nyit < *nyit-á < *nyi'-ta (p.76) || Also, OB nyin, E. dialect Dwags nyen-te (p. 114), Old Kukish *k?-ni, Luśei, Meithlei ni (p. 280), Burmish Bur. *ńi-, M Bur. neʾ, Lolo Ahi, Lolopho ńi, Chöko ńi, Ahi ńi-, Weining ńi, Phumoi ne¯, Akha nẵ¯, Ulu nie (p. 366) | (day) Baric Bodo -ni, Metś -nai, Dimasa, Tśutisa, Atong, Wanang, Ruga, Kontś, Mośang -ni, Namsingia -ńyi, Muthun, Mulung -nyi, -ni, Tśang nyet (p. 428)	**** { 日 rì } for VS 'giời'. cf. 月 yuè ~ 'giăng' ~ 'trăng' (moon) ~ 'tháng' (month)
guốc	sabot	*** (Haudricourt) Daic Tho, Dioi kip, Wou-ming klip, Sui ʔdyāp, Mak zip, Bê zyap, Li lap (p. 487)	*** { 屐 jī }
gà	chicken	***** (Haudricourt) 雞 kăi- (M jī), Viet. 'gà', Siamese kwai, Lao, Shan, Tay Blanc kwăy, Laqua khay, Lati ka (p. 520)	**** { 雞 jī }
gò	hill, mound	*** M qīu 丘 kʿu, M xū 虛 kʿǒ-, Siamese kʿo/ (p.44) | M. Bur. ko, Luśei ko, Karenic *kʿo\, Pwo kʿo28 (p. 416)	**** { 丘 qīu }, also, *** { 虛 xū } ( SV hư)
góp, gọp	gather	*** SV tụ, M jǔ 聚 dzū/\, còu 湊 tsʿu\ (to collect, to assemble), M Bur. tśǔ (p. 60)	**** { 湊 còu } SV 'tấu', (M 湊 còu < MC chow < OC *sho:s ), for *** { 聚 jǔ } SV 'tụ'
gạo	rice	*** M gǔ 穀 kok (grain, cereals) (p. 70), Kukish *kOk ?, M Bur. kok, Katśin -gu (p.46), Luhupa Branch Rengma -ko, Tengima -ko (p. 322) | Note: 穀 gǔ SV 'cốc' (cereals), 'gạo': 稻 dào. See 'luá' (unhusked rice). }	** { 穀 gǔ } SV 'cốc'
gấu	bear	*** OB d-om, Bur. wam, Luśei vom, K. *Xwom (X is a guttural of unknown type), Mikir tʿo-wām (St.), Rawang tʿǒ-gǒyām, (i.e. tʿǒ-gǒām), Rgyarong (ti-)-gom (p. 19)	*** { 熊 xiōng }. See Starostin's elaboration on this etymon in previous section }.
gừng	ginger	***** (Haudricourt) Viet. gừng, Chin. kiang 薑 (M jiāng), Daic Siamese, Ahom khiŋ, Lao, Shan, Tho, Nung, Tay Noir khiń, Tay Blanc qhiń, Dioi hiń, Li khuəń (p. 482)	****** { 薑 jiāng }
hay	know	*** Luhupa Branch Kukish *tʿeiʾ, Luśei tʿei-?, Kabui tai- (p. 308)	**** { 知 zhī }, cf. Hainanese /taj1/ }
heo	pig	**** (Haudricourt) Chin. ʿgâi 亥 (M hài), 'Year of the Boar' Lao ʾ_kəɯ, Tay Blanc kəɯ, Dioi kaw, Mak həy (pp. 524, 525)	**** { 亥 hài }. cf. 'lợn' **** 豘 tún: SV 'độn' (pig)
ho	cough	*** M ké 咳 kʿayi\, Luśei kʿuʾ (p.76), Dimasa kusu (p.44) || Central Kukish Kukish *m-r-kʿus, Kapwi kʿu (p. 242), Southern Branch Thado Thado kʿu, Śiyang kʿu (p. 251)	**** { 咳 ké }, Also, VS 'khạc' (spit)
hong	to roast	**** M hōng 灴 xong-, Siamese /hǔń/ (pp. 42-43)	**** { 灴 hōng }, also, VS 'hơ', plausibly 'nung'.
hàn	solder	***** OK Kukish *hār, Luśei hār, Tlongsai h@- (p. 271)	**** { 焊 hán }
hành	onion	*** Luhupa Branch Kukish *ho, Kupome, Maram, Kabui -hau (pp. 299, 300)	**** { 蔥 cōng }
hùm	tiger	**** Luhupa Branch Kukish hum, Maring hum-, Khoibu hom-, Khoirao -hu- (p. 300)	**** { 甝 hán } SV 'hàm' See 虎 hǔ (SV hổ): VS 'cọp'.
hăm	twenty	** Tśairelish Katśinish m-kul, Andro hol, Sak hūn (p. 397)	*** { 廿 niàn }
hết	to not exist	*** V 'finished, consumed', M miè 滅 met, OB med-pa, Siamese, Lao hmēăƫ/ (Lao: 'finished, consumed') (p. 65)	*** { 滅 miè } SV 'diệt'. cf. *** { 絕 jué } (SV 'tuyệt'). VS 'hết' is possibly cognate to **** { 竭 jié } (SV kiệt) to mean 'run out'.
hồn	spirits	***** (Haudricourt) Chin. ,gəun 魂 (M hún), Daic Siamese, Lao, Tay Noir, Tho, Nung khwăn, Tay Blanc qhwăn, Mak kwăn, Dioi hwen (p. 480)	***** { 魂 hún }
hỗng	hole, hollow	**** V also 'trống', M kǒng 孔 kʿong/, M Bur. ă-koń\, Diamasa koń-, OB kʿun (p.44)	**** { 孔 kǒng } SV 'khổng'. Cf. 'trống' 空 kōng: SV 'không' (empty)
keo	glue	***** M jiāo 膠 kăo-, M Bur. ko, Siamese, Lao kāw (p. 61) | (Haudricourt) Viet. 'keo', Chin. kău/ 膠 (M jiāo), Siamese, Lao, Tay Blanc kāw, Shan kɔ, Nung kyaw (pp. 523, 524)	****** { 膠 jiāo } Ex. 膠漆 jiāoqì: VS 'keosơn'
kham	bear, endure	**** M kān 堪 kʿān-, M Bur. kʿam (p.44)	***** { 堪 kān }
khum	bow down	**** Kukish kum ?, (to stoop), Ka. kum, gūm || N. Ass. Miśing kum, Yano rek, Bunan rig (p. 204) | khum 'to stoop' Burmish O Bur. kʿum, M Bur. kʿum, N Bur. kʿoũ\, Lawng kam, Tsaiwa kim (p. 361)	**** { 躬 gōng }
khuya	night	** M yè 夜 ịă\, M Bur. N-nyă, Kukish *ń-ya (pp. 42-43), Luhupa Branch Tśamphung ńă-yu- (p. 301) | (Haudricourt) *ɣǐn, Siamese gǐn, Lao, Tho khun, Shan khɯn, Tay Blanc qhɯn, Nung khən, Dioi hen (p. 514)	** { 夜 yè } SV 'dạ'
khác	different	* OB kʿyad || C. Bod. Choni kʿyä (p.102)	**** { 各 gé } SV 'các'
kháu	beautiful	**** M jiāo 嬌 kīau\, Siamese kēw\2, M Bur. kro (p. 67)	**** { 嬌 jiāo } SV 'kiều'
khép	close the eyes	**** (Haudricourt) Daic Siamese hlăp, Lao, Shan, Tay Noir, Tay Blanc, Nung lăp, Sui khăp (p. 466), Mak lăp, Li ńyăp (p. 482)	*** { 合 hé } SV 'hạp', also, SV 'cáp'. cf. 捭合 bàihé: VS 'khépmở' (open and close)
khó	difficult	*** M. Bur. kʿak, OB kʿag-po (p.44) || OB W. dka-ba, Sbalti, other Bod. languages Tsangla ka-lo (p. 117)	*** { 困難 kūnnăn }, 'khó' hereof is contraction of VS 'khókhăn' (difficult), or, perhaps, 苦 kǔ from 困苦 kūnkǔ (hardships).
khóc	weep	**** M qì 泣 kʿyap, kʿịəp, OB kʿrab- (p. 67), Kukish *krapʾ, Luśei ţapʾ, grap (p.46) || Other Bod. languages Gurung kro-(d), Muri kra-dźʾ (p. 125), South Branch Thadao -kap-, Śiyang, Vuite kap (p. 250), Meithlei kap- (p, 283), Luhupa Branch Imeanai -kra, Zumoni ka-, Tengima kra (p. 320), Tśairelish Katśinish krapʾ, Kadu kʿrap (p. 410)	**** { 泣 qì } SV 'khấp'. Cf. ****** { 哭 kū } SV 'khốc' /k'okw7/: VS 'khóc' /k'ɔkw7/ (weep)
khói	smoke	*** OB kʿu (NNW), M Bur. -kʿui\, Luśei -kʿu (p. 59) || Kukish *m-kʿru, Bur. -kʿui\, Diamasa -kʿu-di, Katśin -kʿru (p.44) || West Himalayish languages Bunan, Thebor kʿu (p. 132), other Bod. languages Rgyarong -kʿu (p. 120), Meithlei -kʿu (p. 280), Luhupa Branch, Holta -kʿu, Tśungli, Mongsen -kʿo-1, Khari k-ü, Maring kʿu, Ukhrul kʿut, Phadang -kʿut, Khunggoi -kʿu, Dayang -kʿu (pp. 305, 306), Burmish Bur. *kʿui\, Lolo Akha kʿo\, Nyi kʿə\, Ahi kʿö\, Ulu kʿö, Wei-ning kʿü (p. 368) | Baric Garo, Tipora, Muthun -kʿu, Dimasa -kʿu-di, Atong -kʿu-si, Mośang -kru (p. 441)	**** { 汽 qì }
khổ	bitter	***** M kǔ 苦 kʿo/, Kukish *kʿa\, Luśei kʿa, M Bur. kʿa\, Dimasa -kʿa, Katśin kʿa (p.44), Luhupa Branch Maring , Phadang, Maram, Khoirao, Empeo kʿa-, Ukhrul, Mongsen,Thukumi, Rengma, Imemai -kʿa, Kupome -kʿau-, Khunggoi, Kwoireng -kʿa-, Kabui kʿu-, Zumoni ku- (p. 288)	***** { 苦 kǔ }
kèm	unite in one, put together	**** V 'attach, together, with', M jiān 兼 kem-, Siamese kēm (mix, intermix, mingled), Lao kēm/ (together, with) (p. 66)	**** { 兼 jiān } SV 'kiêm'.
kén	picky	**** OK Kukish *kʿiań, Luśei kʿiań, Tlongsai, Mara kʿ (p. 271)	**** { 揀 jiăn }
kéo	pull	**** M qiān 牽 kʿen-, Siamese, Lao kʿ ěn\3 (p. 66), Central Branch Kukish *kai, Luśei kai, Kapwi kai- (p. 238) | Also: 'force or pull open' Old Kukish Kukish *t-keo, Luśei keo, Mara *sa-kei (p. 269)	*** { 牽 qiān } SV 'kiên'
kêu, gọi	call	**** M jiāo 叫 kịau\, Kukish *ko, Luśei ko, M Bur. kʿo, Katśin gau, (p. 65), Luhupa Branch Kwoireng, Rengma ko-, Kabui kau-, Empeo ku, Zumomi -ku, Dayang ku, Tegima ke (p. 286)	**** { 叫 jiāo } SV 'khiêu'
kẹp	pinch, tongs	**** Kukish -kʿep, Dimasa kʿep (p. 204)	**** { 夾 jiă } SV 'giáp'
kề	next to	*** (Haudricourt) Siamese laǐ, Lao, Shan kəɯ, Ahom kaw, Tay Blanc tśhəɯ, Tho śəɯ, Nung kyəɯ, Caolan khay, Dioi kyaɯ, Wuming klaɯ, Sui, Mak phyăy, Bê le, Li (p)ləɯ (pp. 524, 525)	**** { 切 qiè }
kềm	thongs	**** M qián 鉗 gīm-, Siamese, Lao gīm (p. 66)	**** { 鉗 qián } SV 'kiềm'
liên	continuous	***** M lián 連 līn-, Lao lyən (lien) (p. 69)	***** { 連 lián } SV 'liên', also VS 'liền' (immediately)
liếm	lick	***** M tiăn 舔 Chin. /tʿem/, *lem/, OB lem- (W.) (The roots in W. Himalayish is, however, leb-; cf. Siamese lep 'to put out the tongue' ~ VS 'lè', 'thè' (put out the tongue). But, Bahing lyăm 'tongue', EE. Him. lěm. The Chin. form is based on Cant. lim/, Sino Annamese liếm (Emeneau)) (p. 66), all Old Kukish languages show the articulation of /lei/ (p. 252), Luhupa Branch Kuksih *m-liakʾ, Luśei liakʾ, Rong lyak (p. 317) | O Bur. *m-liakʾ, M Bur. lyak, Luśei liak, Lamgang p(i)-līk, Anal pi-līk, Kom ma-lẹk, Tśiru mẹ-lēk, Śo m-le-, Ukhrul -mă-lek, Rong lyak (pp. 25-27)	**** { 舔 tiăn } SV 'thiềm'. Also VS 'nếm' (taste)
làm	make, do	*** Luhupa Branch Kukish *siam, Luśei śiam, Zumomi śi-, Tengima si- (p. 322), Burmish O Bur, M Bur. lup, N Bur. louʾ, Arak., Intha lot, Tavoy lauʾ, Samong lak (p. 361)	*** { 幹 gàn } (SV 'cán'), or *** { 勞 láo } (SV 'lao'), *** { 弄 nòng } (SV 'lụng'), depending on context, Ex. 幹活 gànhuó: VS 'làmviệc' (work), 勞動 láodòng: VS 'làmlụng' (labor), 弄壞 nònghuài: VS 'làmhư' (cause broken)
làng	village	**** Baric Tśang sāń (p437)	**** { 鄉 xiāng }
lá	leaf	**** OB lab-ma || W. Himal. lang. Kukish lap?, Bunan, Mantśti lab (p 138), Tśairelish Katśinish lap, Rawang -lāp, Khalang -lăp (p. 402), Mnyamskad lap-ti, West Himal. lab, Midźu, Kadu lap (p. 405), Luśei la, Karenic *hla\, Karenni lä, Pwo lə28, Sgaw lə7, Bwe lä7 (p. 414)	**** { 葉 yè }
lòng	heart	**** O Bur. *m-luń, Luśei luń, Aimol mu-luń, Purum, Langrong, Kolhreng -luń, Hrangkhol mi-luń, Khimi b-luń, N. Khami pă-lun, Maring, Phadang mă-luń, Tśngli, Mongsen -mu-luń (pp.14, 25-27) || OB m-luń, Southern Kukish Khimi b-luń (p. 207), Minbu lön (p. 222), Central Kukish Kukish *m-luń, Ngente, Haka luń (p. 230), Old Kukish Kuki *m-luń, Tśiru -mu-luń, Aimol -luń, Purum -luń-, Langrong luń, Hrangkhol mi-luń (p. 258), Luhupa Branch Rengma mioń, Zumoni me-lo, Tengima -mel-lu (p. 320)	**** { 心 xīn } (SV tâm), also, VS 'tim' (heart, blood-pumping organ)
lõng	liquid	*** (Haudricourt) Viet. 'lõng', Siamese l@@ŋʾ, Lao, Tay Noir, Shan lɔń, Ahom lwaŋ, Tay Blanc qhɔń (p. 510)	*** { 溶 róng }
lăn	roll	**** Tśairelish Katśinish lum, Kadu lum- (p. 410)	*** { 輪 lún }, cf. VS 'lần' (times)
lưng	back	** OK Kukish *hnuń, Luśei hnuń, Mikir nuń (p. 278)	*** { (脊)梁 (jí)liáng }, also, 'sốnglưng'
lười	lazy	**** M lăn 懶 lān/, Siamese grān2^ (pp. 36-39)	**** { 懶 lăn } SV 'lãn'
lưỡi	tongue	** M shé 舌 dźīt < *ldźīt, OB ltśe, O Bur. m-lei, M Bur. hlya, Siamese lǐn2, Lao lǐn, Karen siń-let, Luśei, Aimol, Purum, Langrong lei, Hrangkhol me-le, Kolhreng -lei, Lamgang p-lei (pp.14, 25-27) || Archaic West. Bodish dialects Sbalti ltśe, Burig ltśeʾ (p. 80), OT Bod. lang. Tsangla le (118), West Himalayish languages Kukish m-lei, Buman hle, Thebor, Kanauri le (p. 136), Northern Assam Midźu mb-lai, b-lai (M) (p. 180), Southern Branch Kukish *m-lei, all languages Luśei, Thado, Ralte, Śiyang, Vuite lei (p. 248), Old Kukish Mara, Tlongsai pa-lei, Śandu pa-lai, Lailenpi -pəle(ị), Miran pəlị_, Lothu pəlị¯, Zotung la\ (p. 268), Hrangkhol me-le, Mikir de (p. 277), Meithlei kei (p. 280), Karenic Pwo pʿle2, Sgaw plē4, Bwe ple (p.416)	*** 舌 shé; **** for { 脷 lěi } SV 'lợi', VS 'lưỡi', Cant. /lei2/.
lại	again	*** S. Br. Kukish leʾ, Luśei leʾ, Thado le, Ralte leʾ, Śiyang le, Vuite leʾ (p. 248)	**** { 再 zài } SV 'tái'.
lại	arrive, come	***** OB sleb || W. Himal. lang. Bunan leb, Mantśti hleb (p 138), Minor group Toƫo, Dhimal le- (p. 169)	****** { 來 lái }
lấy	take	**** Minor group Newari lā- (p.158) | Southern Kukish Khimi lau < *lo (p. 207), Southern Branch Kukish *laʾ, Luśei lākʾ, Thado laʾ, Ralte -la-, Śiyang la, Vuite -la- (p.246) || Also Luhupa Branch Kukish *lo\, Luśei lo, Maram, Kwoireng lo-, Kabui lao, Khoirao lau-, Empeo lu-, Zumomi lu-, Dayang lu, Tengima le, Tśakrima le- (p. 299), Tśairelish Katśingish lo, Kadu lu, Rawang lu (p. 404) | Baric Mośang lu (seize), Namsangia lu- (catch), (pp. 435, 441) | (Haudricourt) Daic Shan lăy, Siamese ʾtai, Lao, Ahom, Tay Noir, Tay Blanc, Tho, Nung, Dioi day, Sui, Mak ʔday, Bê zɔy (p. 459)	**** { 拿 ná }, Cant. /lo3/
lần	times	*** S. Br. Kukish *lai, Luśei lai, Thado -lai, Ralte -lai-, Śiyang lai, Vuite -lai- (p. 248)	*** { 輪 lún }
lật	turn over	*** OK Kukish *M-let, *let 'upside down', Luśei let, letʾ, Mara pa-li, li, (p. 269)	* { 翻 fān }
lắm	many, much	*** Siamese tʿ@m/, Kukish *tam, Luśei tam (p. 48) || Old Kukish Kuki *tam, Luśei tam, Tśiru tām-, Aimol -tam (p. 256) | (Haudricourt) Daic Siamese hlāy, Lao, Shan, Tay Noir, Tay Blanc, Nung lāy, Dioi, Ahom lay (p. 466)	*** { 甚 shèn } (SV 'thậm')
lối	road	**** OB lam, M Bur. lam\, Luśei lam (p. 40) | Old Kukish Kuki *lam, Tarao -lam (p. 256) and most of other languages all show the articulation of /lam/.	**** { 路 lù }
lồn	vagina	* Karenic Paku li5, Bwe ¢li2, Geba a2li2, Taungyi lịn, Thaton lịn2 (p. 419)	**** { 陰 yīn }, as in 女陰 nǚyīn
lỗ	hole	**** OB rlubs, M Bur. lup (p. 40), Siamese, Lao hlǔp (hollow, deep) (p. 71)	**** { 窿 lóng }
lớn	great, large, grand	** S. K. *lian, Śo len (p. 222), Kapwi -lin (p. 39), Old Kukish Kukish *lian, Luśei lian, Mara lai, Tlongsai lai-pa, Sabeu -lai (p. 271) | (Haudricourt) Siamese hlw@ŋ, Lao, Tay Blanc, Nung luoń, Ahom luŋ, Tay Noir, Tho loń (p. 503)	*** { 隆 lóng }
lừa	mule	***** Burmish M. Bur. la\, Lolo Ahi lo\, Nyi la-, Lolopho lo (p. 379) | (Haudricourt) Daic Siamese, Lao, Shan, ay Noir la, Tay Blanc, Nung ʿlɔ, Tho _lɔ (p. 468)	****** { 驢 lǚ }
lựa	choose	*** (Haudricourt) Daic Siamese liek, Lao luek, Ahom lük, Shan lək, Tay Noir lɯəʔ, Tay Blanc ləʔ, Tho, Nung luək, Bê leak (pp. 465, 516)	*** { 擇 zé } < MC ɖajk < OC *ɫhak || ¶ z- ~ l-
ma	ghost	* (Haudricourt) Daic Nung mań, Sui, Cao-lan nāń, Dioi fāń (p. 474)	***** { 魔 mó }
mo	sorcery	*** M wū 巫, OB rol-ba, M Bur. rwa (p. 75)	****** { 巫 wū }. cf. 巫師 wūshī VS 'phùthuỷ' (also #'thầymo') 'sorcerer' }
muối	salt	*** O Bur. *m-tś\, Bom mǐ-tśi, Kapwi tśi, Tśru mă-tśi, Aimol me-tśi, Hrangkhol mi-dźi, Kupome ma-tśew, Khunggoi ma-tśi (pp.14, 25-27) || 'saltpeter, niter, salt' : M xiāo 硝 sịau-, M Bur. śo-ra, Maru, Nung R. yam-sau, Katśin śau (p. 64), also as 'salt' Luhupa Branch Kukish m?-tśi\, Luśei tśi, Maring ma-tʿi, Khoibu mi-ti, Ukhrul mă-tśi, Phadang mă-tśé, Kupome ma-tśew, Khunggoi ma-tśi, Kwoireng mă-tai, Tśungli me-tse, Khri, Tengsa mă-tśi, Rengma tśe, Imemai ma-ti\, Tengima mě-tsa, Zumoni m-ti (p. 293)	**** { 硭 máng } (SV 'mang') ~ phonetic 亡 wáng (vong, vô) < MC mwaŋ < OC *maŋ. For ** { 灰 huī }, kuī (SV khôi, muội) | M 灰 huī, kuī < MC xuaj < OC *xwəj. Note: Based on the sounds of the Mon-Khmer languages, nevertheless, this etymon seems to agree with VS 'vôi' (lime), hence, where mountainous Mon-Khmer people used to extract salt from ashes in the old days. For 'diêm' * { 鹽 yán } (SV 'diêm'), in Vietnamese, the vocable also means 'gunpowder' like that of Burnmese. For * { 硝 xiāo }, also read qiào ~ phonetic M 肖 xiào, xiāo (SV 'tiếu', 'tiêu') < MC siaw < OC *siaw, which is less likely than 硭 máng (SV 'mang') for the VS 'muối' cognate. cf. 衁 huáng: VS 'máu' (blood)
muốn	wish	*** OK Kuki *nuam, Luśei nuam, Aimol -nwom-, Langrong -n@m-, Hrangkhol pūn, Kolhreng -nūwom-, Kom -hnūm- (p. 260)	*** { 望 wàng } SV 'vọng', also, VS 'mong'
muống	water spinach	**** (Haudricourt) Daic Siamese ʾpuŋ, Lao, Nung, Tho ɓuń,Tay Blanc buń, Mak muń (p. 489)	**** { 蓊 wēng } as in *** { 蓊菜 wēngcài } VS 'raumuống'
muộn	late	**** (Haudricourt) *m@@n, Lao, Tay Blanc, Tay Noir, Shan, Tho mɔn, Ahom mun (p. 511)	**** { 晚 wăn } SV 'vãn'
màn	curtain	**** M màn 幔 mān-, Siamese măn (yam) (pp. 36-39)	**** { 幔 màn } SV 'mạn'
màn	curtain	**** M màn 幔 mān\, Siamese, Lao mān\1 (p. 72) | (Haudricourt) Daic Siamese mānʾ, Shan ʿpān, Tho, Nung mān (p. 476)	**** { 幔 màn }
màng	bamboo screen	*** (Haudricourt) Viet 'mang, bań, muong' (?) (not sure what is being referred to. ) Daic Dioi rań, Sui, Mak nāń (p. 474)	**** { 網 wăng }, also, VS 'mùng', 'màn'
màu	color	** OB mdog- || A W. Bob. Burig -dok (p. 82)	*** { 貌 mào }, also, VS 'vẻ' (the look)
mây	cloud, fog	*** OB rmugs-pa || N. Ass. Miśing d@-muk, Yano d@-mök, Tagen d@-möʾ (p. 200), Luhupa Branch Kukish *t-mei, Luśei -mei, Maring ră-mai (p. 308), Tśairelish Tśairel mai, Kaśatsinish t?-mei (p. 391) | Kukish t?-mei, Baric Tśang sań-mei (p. 442)	*** { 雲 yún }
mèo	cat	****** M māo 貓 mịau-, Siamese, Lao měw (p. 64) | (Haudricourt) Chin mău-, Viet. meo, Daic Siamese meew, Lao, Ahom, Shan, Tay Noir, Tay Blanc, Tho, Nung, mɛw, Dioi mew (p. 497)	****** { 貓 māo } SV 'miêu'
méo	slant	*** (Haudricourt) Siamese ʾpīyew, Lao, Nung, Tay Noir biew, Shan mew, Tay Blanc bew, Tho biw (p. 501)	*** { 偏 biān }
móng	claw, fingermail	** OB sder-mo || West Central and East Himalayish Vayu deme (p. 144)	*** { 趼 jiăn }
mô	shaman	***** (Haudricourt) Chin. 巫 mū- (M wū), Siamese hm@@, Lao, Shan, Tay Noir, Tay Blanc, Tho mɔ, Ahom, Nung, Dioi mo (p. 508)	**** { 巫 wū } as in VS 'thầymô' 巫師 wūshi. cf. also, VS 'phùthuỷ' (witch)
mõng	thin	*** (Haudricourt) Viet 'mongmanh' (?), Daic Siamese pāŋ, Lao bāń, Ahom bāŋ, Shan māń, Tay Noir, Tay Blanc, Tho, Nung bāŋ, Sui, Mak ʔbāŋ, Bê beań (p. 473)	*** { 單 dān }
mù	blind	** M máo 瞀 mu\, OB dmus-loń (p. 60)	**** { 盲 máng } is more plausible for VS 'mù' (blind) while 瞀 máo is more like ' dizzy', 'dizzled'. cf. 聾 lóng (deaf) for VS 'lãng' (hearing-impared), 瞎 xià (blind) for VS 'chột' (one-eyed)
mù	fog	*** M wù 霧 mū\, OB rmu-ba, M Bur. muigʾ\ (p. 60)	**** { 霧 wù } SV 'vụ'
mù	obscured	**** M méng 朦 moń-, Ob rmońs (p. 70) || (Haudricourt) Viet. mù, Siamese mwă, Lao muo, Tay Noir mo (p. 502)	**** { 朦 méng } (See 'mờ')
mũi	nose	** OB mtśʿul-pa || A W. Bod. Sbalti snam-sul (nostril), Burig snam-tśʿul (p. 82), Norther Assam Midźu mīnyuń, Meyöl mīnoń (p. 187)	** { 鼻 bí }
mơ	dream	**** OB rmań-lam, M Bur. mak, Kukish mań || OT Bod. lang. Rgyarong (rta)-rmo (E.) (p. 121) | Northern Assam Taying ya-mo (p. 190), Miśing, Abor ma(ń), Yano -m@, E. Nyising -ma, Tagen m@-na (p. 196), Burmish O Bur. ʿip-mak, N. Bur. meʾ, Lawng -m@ (p. 346) | Luśei mań, Karenic *mańʾ, Pwo -meʾ3, Sgaw -m@8, Taungthu -mań, Paku -mo5, Geba, Bwe -ma2, Yinbaw -mańn (pp. 418, 419)	**** { 夢 mèng }, also, VS 'mộng'.
mưa	rain	*** Chin. (absent in Shafer's list), OB ro- (W.), Bur. rua M Bur. rwa, Luśei ruaʾ || W. Himal. lang. Kukish r2uaʾ (p. 138), S. K. Śo yoʾ (p. 208), Luhupa Branch Ukhrul -rǒ, Phadang, Khunggoi ru-, Kupome ro-, Empeo -rui, Hlota -ru (p. 307)	*** { 雨 yǔ } SV 'vũ'
mương	canal	**** (Haudricourt) Viet. 'mương', Daic Siamese mǐeŋ, Lao,Tay Blanc, Nung, Dioi muəń, Tho məń (p. 517)	*** { 垸 yuàn }
mướp	luffa, loofa, dish-cloth gourd	*** (Haudricourt) Viet. mướp, Siamese pw@p, Shan mop, Tay Blanc ɓop (p. 503)	*** { 布瓜 } probably a sound contraction of M bùguā (SV bốqua) [ ~> 'mướp' ® \ 布 bù \ MC pwo | ¶ b- ~ m-, 瓜 guā | ¶ w- ~ p- \ OC *kwra (loofah sponge, dishrag gourd, Luffa cylindrica ]
mất	lose	*** OK Kuki *mań, *hmań, Luśei mań, Aimol, Purum -mań-, Hallam mań- (p. 256) , Luhupa Branch Rengma -mʿe-, ememai mo-	**** { 失 shì } SV 'thất'. Also, alternately, *** { 沒 méi } SV 'một' (lost)
mất	to die	**** M wáng 亡 mań-, Luśei mań (p. 72)	**** { 亡 wáng } VS 'vong'
mầy	you	*** (Haudricourt), Viet. 'mầy, mà', Siamese mǐń, Lao, Tay Noir muŋ, Tay Blanc mɯ, Dioi muń (p. 514) | Li (1) mɯ, Ahom maü, Shan, Tho, Li (2) məɯ (p. 525)	*** { 爾 ěr, nǐ }, also, 你 nǐ, also 'mi'
mắng	reprimand	*** (Haudricourt) Daic Lao hmāŋ, Ahom, Tay Noir māń, Dioi mań (p. 474)	**** { 罵 mà }
mắt	eye	**** M mù 目 muk, OB mig, M Bur. myak (myuk), Luśei mit (pp. 36-39) || Eastern dialects Khams mig (p. 112), Dwags mig (p. 115), W. Himal. lang. Kukish mik', Bunan mig, Thebor mi, Kanauri migʾ (p. 138), West Central and East Himalyish Raling, Kiranti mak, Dumi mik-, ma- (p. 153), Northern Assam Midźu miʾ (p. 181), Southern Kukish Kukish *mik', Śo miʾ (p. 220), Southern Branch Kukish *mik', Luśei mit, Thado mit, Ralte, Vuite mit-, Śiyang miţ' (p.246), Old Kukish Kuki *mik', Tśiru mik, Aimo, Purum, Langrong, Hallam mit, Hrangkhol mīń (p. 257), Mikir mek, Ukhrul mk (p. 178), Luhupa Maring mit, Ukhrul mik, Maram -mek, Kabui hmik, Empeo -mik, Hlota -mʿyek (p. 316) | Braic Garo mik-ron, Dacca muk-ruń, Wanang mək-kər, Atong mik-ren, Rabha muk-en, Ruga mul-um, Metś ʿmo-gon, Konts muk-un, Mośang, Tśangge mak, Muthun mik, Banpara mit, Mulung mit (p. 445)	**** { 目 mù }. cf. Viet. "conmắt" )
mặc	to dress	** Burmish Bur. *wat, M Bur. wat (p. 3371)	*** { 披 pì }, also, VS 'bận' (put on)
mặt	face	**** Southern Kukish Kukish *hmai, Luśei hmai, Khimi -mai (p. 207), Central Branch Haka hmai-, Śonśe hmai, Bandźogi mai (p. 230), Kapwi mai- (p. 239), Southern Branch Thado mai, Śiyang, Vuite mai (p.246), Northern Branch Thanphum -hmai, Matupi m(ə)hūt (p. 251), Luhupa Branch Marin, Ukhrul, Phadang mai, Kupome, Khunggoi mai1, Hlota -mʿa, Tśungli, Mongsen ma (p. 310), and most of the Old Kukish languages show the articulation of either /hmai/ or /mai/ (p. 253), Meithlei mai (p. 282) | Baric Garo mik-kʿań, Bodo mă-kʿań, Metś mu-kʿań, Tipora, Dimasa mu-kʿāń (p. 427)	**** { 面 miàn }
mọi	slave	**** S. Br. Kukish *boiʾ, Luśei boiʾ, Ralte boi-, Vuite boi (p. 249)	**** { 蠻 mán } SV 'man'
mốc	mildew	**** S. K. Luśei ēkʾ hmuar, Śo -hm@ (p. 221)	**** { 霉 méi } SV 'môi'
mối	white ant	**** O Bur. *m-kʿra\, M Bur. *m-kʿră, Tenggima mě-kʿrö (pp. 25-27) | Luhupa Branch *lei, Luśei lei-, Ukhrul, Kupome, Khunggoi lei-, Phadang lei-3 (p. 307)	**** { 蠡 lǐ }
mồm	mouth	**** Also, V 'miệng', 'môi' (lips) | M wěn 吻 mǔn/, OB mur-, Luśei hmūr (pp. 36-39), Old Kukish Kuki *hmūr, Hrangkhol fur (p. 258) | also '*jaw' OB mur- (only in compound), Luśei hmur (point, end, tip), all Kukish languages 'mouth' | Minor group Kukish hmūr, Newari hmu-tu (p. 74), Central Kukish kukish *hmūr, Luśei hmūr (tip), Kapwi mun (p. 242) || Also: 'lips, beak, mouth' ~ V 'mỏ, mõm' | OB mtśʿu | S. Br. Kukish *hmūr, Luśei hmūr, Thado mu, Śiyang muʾ (p. 249), Old Kukish Luśei hmūr (also V mõm 'point'), Mara hm@-, Tlongsai -hmo (p. 172), Luhupa Branch Maring, Khoibu mur, Ukhrul mor, Kupome mo-, Khunggoi -mo, Kwoireng -mun, Rengma mań- (p. 324) || A W. Bod. Sbalti kʿam-tśu, Burig kʿam-tśū (p. 82)	*** { 嘴 zuǐ } VS 'mỏ' (beak)
mới	new	*** (Haudricourt) Siamese ʾmaǐ, Lao ʾ_kəɯ, Tay Blanc, Tho, Nung məɯ, Tay Noir .məɯʾ, Dioi mo, Mak măy (p. 525)	*** { 萌 méng } SV 'manh': also, 'mầm' (sprout). cf. Proto-Austro-Asiatic: pɤj, Proto-Vietic: *bʔǝ:jʔ, Proto-Aslian: *pa:j, Proto-Vietmuong: *bʔǝ:jʔ, Tum: bǝɨj.212.
mờ	dim, dark	*** M méng 朦 moń-, OB rmog, M Bur. mok (pp. 36-39)	**** { 朦 méng } SV 'mông'. cf. 夢 mèng (SV 'mộng'): VS 'mơ' (dream)
mở	to open	*** Chin. pʿyěi- (Shafer ?), OB pʿyes, pʿye (pf.) (p.45) || Other Bod. languages Tsangla pʿi (p. 118)	** { 捭 bài (?) }, trying to match the phonetic pattern /p-/ ~ /b-/ ~ /m-/. For { 掰 bāi } VS 'bẻ' means 'break open'. For VS 'mở' (open), it is likely *** { 開 kāi }, Cant. /hoj1/, Hainanese /k'uj1/ }. See 'khép' (close)
mợ	mother	**** OB mo, Karenic *mo\, Pwo mo5, Sgaw mo8 (p. 416)	**** { 母 mǔ } Also: 'mẹ', 'me'. 'mợ' in V also means 'maternal uncle's wife', a short form equivalent to C 舅母 jìumǔ. }
mụ	woman	**** M lăo 姥 mo/, OB mo, Luśei mo (pp. 36-39)	*** ( 姥 lăo } SV 'lão'. cf. 老 lăo: VS 'lão' (old man).
nai	deer	**** Old Kukish Kuki *ŋai, Luśei sa-ŋai, Tśiru, Aimol, Purum, Kolhreng, Kom să-ŋai, Lamgang -să-ŋai (p. 253), Kukish *ńai, Meithlei să-ńai (p. 179), Luhupa Branch Maring să-ŋai, Ukhrul sa-ŋai (p. 309) Baric Dimasa mi-śai, Tipora mu-sai, Banpara mai (p. 447)	** { 鹿 lù }
nghe	hear, listen	**** OB nyan, OB -nä || S. Bod. Lhoskad, Śarpa nyen (p. 91), E. dialects Dwags nyan, Central Branch Ngente, Haka ńai, Panku, hmar -ńai- (p. 230), Southern Branch Kukish *-r-ńai-, Luśei ńai, Thado ńai-, Ralte -ńai-, Śiyang ńai, Vuite -ńei- (p.246), Burmish Bur. *na¯, M Bur. na, Lolo Phumoi, Akha na\, Nyi na¯, Ahi nō¯ , Lolopho no¯ (p. 366) | O Bur. na, Karenic *na\, Pwo nā6, Sgaw nə8-, Bwe mäʾ (p. 414) | (Haudricourt) Daic *ŋin, Siamese yin, Lao, Ahom ñin, Shan, Tay noir ńin, Tay blac nin, Tho nin (p. 486) || nghe(lời) 'obey, listen' | OK Kukish *-r-ńai, Luśei ńai, Sabeu -ńey (p. 269), Luhupa Branch Hlota -ńa-, Tśungli -ńa, Longla ńa (p. 310)	**** { 聽 tīng }. cf. Hainanese /k'ɜ1/ }
ngoài	outside	***** (Haudricourt) Daic Siamese naak, Lao, Shan, nɔk, Tay Noir, Tay Blanc nɔʔ, Tho, Nung nɔk (p. 464)	****** { 外 wài }
ngào	roast	**** M áo 熬 ńau-, OB brńos (pp. 36-39)	**** { 熬 áo }
ngáp	yawn	**** M hā 哈, OB hă, M Bur. Ha (pp. 42-43) | (Haudricourt) Viet. ngáp, Daic *ŋāp, Lao, Shan, Tay Noir, Tho, Nung ńāp, Dioi ńap (p. 477)	*** { 哈 hā } SV 'cáp': VS 'ngáp', probably a contraction of the binome '哈欠 hāqiān'.
ngáy	snore	** O Bur. *m-hnār, Luśei hnār, Mara pa-hn@, E. Mikir iń-nar, Mikir iń-ńar (by assimilation) (pp. 25-27), OK Kukish *m-hnār, Luśei hnār, Mara pa-hn@ (p. 271), E. Mikir iń-nar, Miker iń-ńar (p. 277) | Bodish ńug, Kukish -ńūk, Gtsang nug, Baric Tśang ńak-(ńak) (pp. 428, 445)	** { 鼾 hān }
ngó	look	*** (Haudricourt) Viet. 'ngoi' (?), Khmer nǐey, Siamese ŋey1, Shan, Tho ńoy (pp. 521, 522)	**** { 瞧 qiáo } For Haudricourt's posit in Viet. 'ngoi', probably he meant VS 'ngó'.
ngón	toe	*** OB mdzug-gu, O Bur. *m-yuń, Luśei zuń, Khimi mă-zuń, Maring, Phadang m-yuń, Tśangli me-yon, Maring ma-tin (p. 44) || A W. Bod. Burig źūʿ (p. 81), Central Branch Kukish *m-yuń, Kapwi -uń (p. 240) | also OB bran-mo, West Himalayish languages Thebor brań, Suntśu bran-tś, Kanauri prat-ts, Mantśati bren-ze (p. 136), Southern Branch Thado -yuń, Ralte zuń, Śiyang -zyum, Vuite zuń- (p. 247), Luhupa Branch -ma-yuń, Ukhrul yuń-, Kupome -yuń-, Kwoireng, Kabui -dźuń, Empeo dźuń- (p. 316), Hlota -ioń-, Tśungli me-yoń, Mongsen -mi-yuń (p. 318), Rengma dźoń-u (p. 320), Tśairelish Katśinish m-yuń, Kadu l-iūń (p. 410) | Also: 'finger' Karenic Geba -nõ1, Naku -no¯, Yinbaw -nou1, Taungyi -noń2, Thaton -noń3 (p. 420)	** {尖 ​jiān }, probaly a contracted form of 指尖 zhǐ​jiān.
ngươi	thou	**** M ér 而 nyi-, OB nyi-d, M Bur. ni (Hor) (pp. 36-39) | OK Kukish *nań, Luśei, Meithlei nań (p. 283)	*** { 爾 ér } (See also 你 nǐ, VS 'mầy', 'mi')
ngấc	raise one's head	*** (Haudricourt) Siamese ń@@k, Lao ńɔk, Ahom ŋwak, Shan ńôk, Tay Noir, Tay Blanc ńɔʔ (p. 508)	**** { 仰 yăng }, also, SV 'ngưỡng': VS 'ngẫng', 'ngóc'
ngẫm, gẫm	think	**** M rèn 恁 nyam\, Old Bodish snyam (p.14 to start in Shafer 1966, Part 1, where Sinitic Division is listed)	**** { 恁 rèn } SV 'nhậm' and 'nhẫm'
ngẫng	rise, raise	**** M áng 昂 ńāń-, Siamese ńāń^2 (p. 72)	**** { 昂 áng }. Did Shafer mean VS 'nâng' ?
ngậm	hold in the mouth	**** M àn 唵 ʿām-, Luśei *um, Siamese ʿ@m (p. 71)	**** { 唵 àn } is for VS 'ăn' or eat. Shafer or Haudricourt should switch this word with their M 含 hán to mean 'ngậm' in V. Shafer or Haudricourt should switch this word with their M hán 含 ɣām-.
ngắn	short	**** S. K. Luśei hniam, Śo nyen, -nen (p. 218)	**** { 短 duăn }. Cf. VS 'lùn' (short in height)
ngọt	sweet	***** OB mńar-ba || A W. Bod. Sbalti, Burig ńar- (p. 82)	***** { 𩜌 yuē } (SV ngạt)
ngỗng, ngang	goose	**** M é 鵝 ńa ~ M yàn 雁 ńăn\ (wild goose), OB ńań < *ńan, M Bur. ńan\ (pp. 36-39), Siamese, Lao hān_1 (p. 71)	**** { 鵝 é } (SV 'nga')
ngủ	sleep	**** OB snyid || S. Bod. Groma nyiʾ- (p. 91)	**** { 臥 wò } SV 'ngoạ' (lying)
ngựa	horse	*** OK Kuki *kor, Luśei -kor, Tśiru, Prum -koŕ, Aimol, Langrong, Hrangkhol -kor (p. 259) | (SV ngọ), (Haudricourt) Chin. 午 wǔ, Daic Lao səńə, Tay Blanc sańa, Dioi sa, Mak ńo (p. 471)	**** { 午 wǔ } SV 'ngọ'
nhuộm	dye	***** (Haudricourt) Chin. 染 ńīm (M răn), Viet. 'nhuộm', *ñ@@m, Siamese ʾy@@m, Lao, Tay Blanc, Tay Noir, Shan, Tho, Nung ñɔm, Ahom sük, Dioi num, Bé niem, Sui ʔyăm (p. 512)	**** { 染 răn } Also, VS 'nhiễm', 'nhuốm', and 'lây' (infect)
nhét	tack in	*** OK Kukish *yepʾ, Luśei zepʾ, Mara zi (p. 271)	**** { 間 jiàn }, also, VS 'chen'
nhắm	be sleepy	*** M mián 眠 men- (to close the eyes, to sleep). M Bur. myań (p. 66)	*** { 眠 mián } SV 'miên', VS 'nhắm' for the meanning 'close ones's eyes'.
nhọn	sharp	*** V 'pointed' | OB rnon-pa || A W. Bod. Ladwags rnon- (J) (p. 83)	**** { 尖 jiān }
nhỏ	young	**** M ní 倪 ńăi-, M Bur. ńay (pp. 36-39, 61) | 'younger sibling, child': Kukish *nau, Luśei nao, Khimi nau (p. 209), Maring naǒ, Ukhrul -naǒ, Khoirao -nau (p. 312), also for 'young' Souther Branch Kukish *ń-r ?-no, Luśei no, Thaso -nou, Ralte -no, Śiyang no, Vuite -no (p. 248), Meithlei -nau (p. 282), Luhupa Branch Ukhrul -ńă-nui, Tśungli nu (p. 311) || Also 'little boy' (Haudricourt) Daic Siamese ŋāy, Lao, Ahom, Shan, Tay Blanc, Tho, Nung, Sui ńāy, Dioi ńay, Sui ńe (p. 463)	**** { 倪 ní }, also, 兒 ér, VS 'nhí'
nhổ	spittle	**** M tù 吐 tʿo\ to spit out, OB tʿu, tʿo-le (p.14)	****** { 吐 tù } SV 'thổ'
nhớ	remember	**** Karenic Paku -no4, Bwe, Geba -ne2, Nuku -ne\¯ (p. 419)	**** { 憶 yì }
non	young, soft	**** Tśairelish Katśinish -no, Kadu nu (p. 408)	**** { 嫩 nèn }
nàng	young girl, woman	***** (young girl) (Haudricourt) Viet. 'nàng', Chin. 娘 nāń (M. niáng), Daic Siamese hñiń, Lao -ñiŋ, Ahom ñüń, Tay Noir, Tay Blanc, Tho ñiŋ (pp. 464, 473), (as woman) Daic Siamese nāŋ, Lao, Shan, Tay Noir, Tay Blanc, Tho, Nung nāń (p. 464)	****** { 娘 niáng }, also, VS 'nạ' (mother)
này	this	**** (Haudricourt) Viet. này, Daic Siamese ʾni, Lao Ahom, Shan, Tho, Nung, Tay Noir, Tay Blanc ni, Dioi nayʾ, Mak nay (p. 484)	*** { 這 zhè }, cf. Huế dialect /ni/
ná	crossbow	***** SV nỏ, M nú 弩 no/, Siamese, Lao nā\1, mai2 (p. 61) | (Haudricourt) Khmer sna, Daic Siamese *sna?3, Lao ʿhna, Ahom, Shan, Tay Noir, Tay Blanc Tho, Nung, na, Sui nha, Cao-lan nɯ, Dioi nɯə (p. 471)	****** { 弩 nú }
nâu	brown	*** N. Ass. Midźu rańāl, Meyöl ńāl (p. 186)	**** { 焦 jiāo } Also VS 'cháy' (burnt) }
nói	say	*** OB ńag, M Bur. ńak (speech) (pp. 36-39), S. Br. Kukish *śoi, Luśei śoi, Thado śoi-, Ralte -śoi- (p. 249)	*** { 話 huà } SV 'thoại'
nóng	hot	**** OB dro-ba || A W. Bod. Sbalti trong-, Burig drun- (p. 83)	*** { 燙 tàng }
núi	mountain	*** (Haudricourt) Viet. 'núi', Lao dɔy, Shan lɔy, Ahom dway, Dioi ɗɔy (p. 512)	**** { 山 shān }, also, VS 'non'. Hainanese /twa1/ (pronounced like French 'toi')
nước	water	**** (Haudricourt) Daic Siamese ʾnām, Shan, Sui, Mak nam, Lao, Tho, Ahom, Tay Noir, Tay Blanc, Dioi, Mak năm, Nung ram, Bê nɔm, Li nom, nəm (p. 482)	**** { 水 shuǐ }, cf. VietMuong 'dak' ~ 'nák' ~ 'nước' (water). Also, the **** is for /nam/.
nạ	mother	**** Central Branch Kukish *nu\, Haka, Panku nu, Taungtha, Śonśe -nu, Bandźogi nu (p. 230), all Old Kukish languages show the articulation of /nu/ (p. 252)	**** { 娘 niáng }
nắng	sun	**** OK Kukish *k?-ni\, Luśei ni, Mara, Tlongsai, Hawthai nań (p. 267)	*** { 陽 yáng }
nằm	lie down	**** (Haudricourt) Siamese n@@n, Lao, Tay Blanc, Tay Noir, Shan nɔn, Dioi non, Ahom nwan, Muk nun (p. 511)	*** { 躺 táng }
nếm	taste	**** M tiăn 舔 Chin. tʿem/, Kukish *M-tem, Luśei tem (p. 48)	**** { 舔 tiăn } SV 'thiềm'. Also VS 'liếm' (lick)
nếp	glutinous rice	***** (Haudricourt) Viet. nếp, Chin. nuaʾ 糯 (M nuò), Siamese ʾhnīyew, Lao, Nung niew, Tay Blanc .new, Tho niw, Bê năw (p. 501)	**** 糯 nuò
nồi	vessel, pot	*** OB snod || A W. Bod. Sbalti snod (p. 81)	*** { 豆 dòu }, with the pattern /d-/ ~ /n- }. See 'đậu' (bean)
phun	sprinke	**** Tśairelish Katśinish pʿul, Kadu bun (p. 408)	**** { 噴 pèn }, also V 'bắn'
phía	side, direction	*** OB pʿyogs || A W. Bod. Sbalti -pʿyox, Burig -pi (p. 82)	**** { 邊 biān } SV 'biên,' also VS 'bên' (by the side), 'miền' (region)
phải	right side	* (Haudricourt) Daic Siamese, Lao, Tay Noir, Tay Blanc, khwa, Cao-lan, Dioi kwa, Sui fa, pha (p.472)	*** { 右 yòu } SV 'hữu'
phồng	swell	**** OK Kukish *puam, Luśei puam, Meithlei pom- (p. 284), Luhupa Branch Rong pǔm-byom (p. 319), M Bur pʿwamʾ, O Bod sbom-, Tśairelish Katśinish puam, Kadu pum (p. 411)	**** { 膨 péng }
phổi	lung	***** (Haudricourt) Chin. 肺 pịʷɐiʾ (per H. ancient final for this sound is -ts), (M fèi), Viet. 'phổi', Siamese p@@t, Lao, Tay Blanc, Shan pɔt, Dioi pət (p. 510)	**** { 肺 fèi } SV 'phế'
qua	pass	***** (Haudricourt) Chin. 過 kwa\ (M guò), Daic Siamese, Lao, Tay Noir, Tay Blanc, Tho, Cao-lan, Bê kwa (p.472)	**** { 過 guò }
quay	revolve	** Chin. jịuən\, Siamese wǐyěn, Luśei vir, Katśin Kăvin, Garo wil- (pp. 42-43)	*** { 旋 xuán } SV 'toàn' , alternately *** 迴 huí, SV 'hồi', that match the Siamese and Garo forms. Haudricourt did not cite the exact Chinese character for it but based on his transribed Chin. jịuən\, it could be M 轉 zhuăn, it means 'revolve' as well.
quay	spin	*** Burmish Bur. *wań, M Bur. wańʾ, Lolo Lolopho va (p. 373)	*** { 璇 xuán }
quen	familiar	***** (Haudricourt) Chin. kʷan' 慣 M guàn, Daic Siamese gǔn, Tay Noir, Tay Blanc, Nung kun (p. 491)	**** { 慣 guàn } SV 'quán'. Ex. VS 'thóiquen' (habit): 習慣 xíguàn (SV tậpquán)
quăng	throw awy	**** Kunkish worʾ < *warʾ || Minor groups Newari wā- (p. 160)	**** { 扔 rèng }, also, 'ném'
quạ	crow	**** OB kʿwa-ta, Baric Garo, Bodo, Metś, Tipora, Dimasa, Namsangia -kʿa (p. 427)	**** { 鴉 yā }
quạt	fan	** OK Kukish *yāpʾ, Luśei zāpʾ, Mikir hi-zāpʾ (p. 277) | OB -yab, Burmese yab, Kukish ʿyāp, Baric Banpara rań zep, Tśang wän yep (p. 445)	** { 颳 guā } (SV quát)
run	tremble	*** (Haudricourt) Siamese y@@n, Tay Blanc, Shan yɔn, Ahom ywan (p. 511)	*** { 顫 chàn }
ruộng	paddies	*** N. Ass. Miśing jhum, Yano rek, Bunan rig (p. 204)	**** { 垌 tóng } SV 'đồng'. cf. *** { 田 tián } (SV điền), also, VS 'đồng'.
ruột	bowels	*** Northern branch Thanphum ă-rīn, Matupi Xrīl (p. 251), OK Kukish *k-r2il, Luśei ril, Mara ri (p. 272)	* { 腸 chăng }
rào	fence	*** OK Luśei pal, Kom ra-pe, Tśiru ra-pa (p. 261)	*** { 欄 lán }
râu	beard	**** OB sma-ra || A W. Bob. Sbalti smay-ra, Burig smayan-rā (p. 81), other Bod languages Ladwags smań-ra, Tsangla mań-ra (p. 118)	*** { 鬚 xū } Also, VS 'ria'.
rét	cold	**** Southern Kukish Kukish *śik, Katśin śik, Luśei śik (p. 52), Śo sʿi(i) (p. 220), Luhupa Branch Hlota -tsak-, Tengsa -tśik (p. 316)	**** { 淒 qī }
rơi	drop, fall, let fall	*** M luò 落, OB kʿrul, M Bur. kʿrwe (p. 75), also Luhupa Branch Kukish klu, Luśei tlu, Phadang ku loi- (p. 292)	**** { 落 luò } SV 'lạc'
rượu	spirits, liquor	**** M yǒu 酉 ịǔ/, OB yu (Thebor), Luśei -zu (p. 63) | M lăo 醪 lau-, M Bur. lo-dźa Siamese lo\1, Lao hlo\ (all fermented liquors, wine, alcohol) (p. 59) | (Haudricourt) Chin. 酒 tśịəu/tsǔ/ (M jǐu), Viet. 'rượu', Siamese ʾhlau, Lao, Tay Noir, Tay Blanc, Tho, Nung, Shan, Dioi lăw, Sui lhaw, haw, (p. 523)	**** { 酒 jǐu }, cf. 酉長 yóuzhăng: SV 'tùtrưởng' (tribal chief)
rất	much, many	*** OK Kuki *yāt, Kolhreng -yāt- (p. 257)	*** { 極 jí }
rẫy	plowland	*** M mǔ 畝 mu/, OB rmo 'to plough' (p.14), Old Kukish *lo\, Luśei lo, Meithlei lau\ (p. 280) | Also, 'cultivation, jhum-field': Old Kukish *rītʾ, Luśei rītʾ, Mikir rit (p. 278), 'field' Maring, Khunggoi lau, Ukhrul lui, Phadang leou (p. 311)	** { 畝 mǔ } mu, in modern usage, a unit of area (=0.0667 hectares)
rắn	snake	**** O Bur. *p-r2ūl, M Bur. m-rwe, Luśei rūl, Pankhu (Le), Bandźogi (Le) m-rūl, Bom mă-rui, Kapwi mă-run, Aimol rul, Lamgang pa-rūl, Anal p-rul (pp.14, 25-27)	*** { 閩 mǐn } SV 'mẫn' (cf. 乙 yí: SV 'ất', also, modern M shé 蛇).
rắn	snake	**** M mǐn 閩 min- (modern M shé 蛇), OB sbrul, M Bur. mrwe, Luśei rūl (p. 75) || A W. Bod. Sbalti ɣbul, Burig zbrul, Ladwags rul (p. 83), Northern Branch Thanphum rūl (Taʾoa), Matupi Xŗūl (p. 251), Old Kukish Kuki *p-r2-ūl, Luśei rūl, Aimol rul, Hrangkhol mi-rul (p. 258), Kom ma-ri, Tśiruma-ro (p. 261), Mara pa-ri, Sabeu pe-ri (p. 272), Maring pʿrul, Mikir (R.) pʿurul, Mikir (W.) pʿurui (p. 278), Burmish O Bur. mruy, N Bur. mvei, Intha hmvi, Danu mwe, Samong moiń, Lawng -moi, Tsaiwa măvi (p. 362)	**** { 閩 mǐn } SV 'mẫn'
rồi	already, finished	***** (Haudricourt) Chin. liau/ 了 (M liăo) , Daic Siamese ʾleew, Lao, Tay Noir, Tho, Mak lew (pp. 497, 498)	**** { 了liăo } SV 'liễu'.
rộng	wide	** M guăng 廣 kwāng/, Siamese kwāń2\ (p.46)| (Haudricourt) Chin. 廣 kwāń/, Daic Siamese ʾkwāŋ, Lao, Shan Tay Noir, Tay Blanc, Tho, Nung kwāń, Ahom kwāń, Dioi kwāńʾ (p. 474)	**** { 廣 guăng } SV 'quảng'
rớt	fall	*** OK Kuki *klākʾ, Luśei tlākʾ, Biate, -klākʾ (p.257)	*** { 落 luò }, also, VS 'rơi'.
rừng	forrest, jungle	**** M lín 林 l'am-, lịəm (sēn 森 forrest), Luśei ram (p. 67) | Central Branch: Kukis *r2am, Ngente, Haka ram (p. 230)	**** { 林 lín } SV 'lâm'. Cf. 森 sēn ~ 'rậm'
rửa	wash, bath	**** Dimasa –gui, di-gru, Katśin krut, OB bkrut (p. 67), Burmish Bur. *tʿśi, M Bur. tʿśe\, Lolo Akha tsi\, Ahi, Lolopho tśʿə\, Nyi tśʿə-, Ulu tśʿi (p. 366)	*** { 洗 xǐ } (SV tẩy)
sao	star	**** S. Br. Kukish *ɣār, Luśei ār-śi, Thado, Śiyang a-śi (p. 249), Old Kukish Kuki *ɣār, Tśiru āŕ-śi , Aimol ār-śi (p. 256), Luhupa Branch Maring sor-, Ukhrul sir-, Phadang sār-, Kupome su, C. and N. Luhupa să-, Maram să-gai, Rong să-hór (p. 324) | (Haudricourt) Siamese tāw, Lao, Tay Noir, Tay Blanc, Tho ɗāw, Ahom ɗaw, Shan lāw, Nung, Dioi taw, Li drāw (pp. 523, 524)	**** { 星 xīng }
sáng	distinct, bright	*** OB gsal-ba || A W. Bod. Sbalti xsal- (p. 78) | (Haudricourt) Daic Siamese seeŋ, Lao, Tay Noir, Tay Blanc sɛń, Ahom siŋ, Shan shɛń (p. 495)	**** { 亮 liàng }. Actually in Chinese there many words that are cognate to VS 'sáng' depending on the context, for example, 天亮 tiānliàng: VS 'trờisáng' (bright sky), 早晨 zăochén: VS 'sángsớm' (dawn), etc.
sét	thunderbolt	* S. K. -krēk, Luśei tēk, Tśinbok ń-grēk/ (p. 222), Old Kukish *M-Krēk, Tśiru me-tśek, Purum -tek (p. 261)	* { 雷 léi } SV 'lôi'. Also, possibly, * { 靂 lì } SV 'lịch' ( thunderclap).
sóc	squirrel	*** (Haudricourt) Viet. sóc, Siamese kar@@k, Lao, Tho, Nung lɔk, Ahom lwak, Shan lôk, Tay Blanc lɔʔ (p. 508)	*** { 鼠 shǔ } Also 'chuột' (mouse). 'sóc' probably a contraction of M 松鼠 sōngshǔ (squirrel). For 'chuột' (rat) there exists also M 耗子 hāozi.
sôi	boil	**** Luhupa Branch Kukish *so, Luśei śo, Tśungli -so, Rong tsu (p. 311)	**** { 燒 shāo }
sông	river	***** M jiāng 江 k@ng, OB kluń, O Bur., M Bur. kʿloń (p. 69), Kukish *kuań, Luśei kuań, Dimasa di-kʿoń (p. 67), Luhupa Branch Maring, Ukhrul koń, Khoibu, Phadang, Khunggoi, (N.) Luhupa koń-, Kupome kon-ta (p. 286), (It is interesting to see all Sino-Tibetan forms are cognate to the V 'sông', which further strengthen the argument for their affiliation.)	****** { 江 jiāng } SV 'giang'
sơn	paint	*** OB rtsi, Katśin tsi, M Bur. tśʿe\ (p. 51)	*** { 漆 xī }
sạch	clean	*** OB seń-, Tśairelish Katśinish M-r-?-tʿiańʾ, Kadu seń (p. 411)	**** { 潔 jié }, from the compound 清潔 qīngjié where 清 can also be considered as a candidate. }
sắt	iron	***** OB ltśags || A W. Bod. Sbalti ltśak, Burig stśaK- (p. 80), Northern Assam Meyöl tśāk (p. 179) | SV thiết, (Haudricourt) Chin. thet 鐵 (M tiě), Daic Siamese hltěk, Lao, Shan, Tay noir, Tay blanc, Tho, Nung lek, Sui śet, Sek mliek (p. 492)	****** { 鐵 tiě }, also VS 'thép'
sọ	skull bone	**** M lǒu 髏 lu-, Dimasa lao-kʿroi 'skull' (p.14)	**** { 髏 lǒu } SV 'lâu' as in 髑髏 dúlǒu (VS đầulâu)
sống	live, alive, raw, green	***** OB gson || A W. Bod. xson-, Burig son (p. 78) | Bur. hrań (live, to be alive), Kukish -hriń\, Baric Bodo, Metś tʿań, Dimasa, Lalung tʿań, Garo -tʿań, gi-tiń (unripe, green), Wanang -tiń (raw), Mośań -tʿiń (unripe), Namsangia -hiń (green, raw), Thebor -siń (live), Kanauri śöń (alive, to live), Mantśti sriń (live, living), Katśinish kă-siń (raw, not ripe) (p.436)	**** { 生 shēng } SV 'sanh', also, interestingly, 'tái' (raw), 'đẻ', cf. Hainanese /tje1/ (give birth), ex. 生產 shēngchăn: SV 'sanhsảnh' = 'sanhđẻ'.
sớm	early	*** M zăo 早 tsau/, M Bur. tso | (Haudricourt) Siamese ʾdżau, Lao săw, Nung, Dioi śaw, Tay Noir, Tay Blanc, Tho tśăw, Shan săw (p. 522)	**** { 早 zăo }. Also, interestingly, VS 'chào' (hello)
sừng	horn	*** Luhupa Branch Kukish *t-ń-r-ki, Luśei ki, Maring tśi, Khoibu, Khoirao -tśi, Phadang tśe, Kupome mă-tśew, Khunggoi-tśi, C. Luhupa -m-tśi, N. Luhupa (a)kă-tśü, Kabui tśai (p. 287)	*** { 角 jiăo }
sửng	lofty	**** as in VS 'sừngsững' (Haudricourt) Chin. suń- 嵩 M sōng, Daic *ñuŋ, Siamese, Ahom suŋ, Lao, Tay Noir, Tay Blanc, Tho suń (p. 490)	*** { 嵩 sōng }
tai	ear	** M dā 耷 tāp (big ear), Siamese, Lao tūp_ (pendant ears) (p. 71) | (Haudricourt) Daic Siamese, Lao, Ahom, Shan, Tay noir, Tay blanc, Dioi ta, Tho tha, Nung ha (p. 456), Also: Viet. 'say' (?), tai, *tśru Daic Siamese, Lao, Shan, Tay noir, Tay blanc hu, Tho su, Nung khyu, Cao-lan lɯ Sui qha, Mak tśha, Bê sa, Li say (p. 488)	** { 耷 dā }
than	ashes	***** M tān 炭 tʿān\, OB tʿal-ba, Siamese, Lao tʿān_1 (p. 75)	**** { 炭 tān}. Actually, the original meaning of this etymon is for 'charcoal'. See also 'tro'
than	coal	***** (Haudricourt) Chin. thān- 炭 (M tān), Viet. than, Daic Siamese thānʾ, Lao, Shan, Tay Noir, Tay Blanc, Tho, Nung thān, Dioi tan (p. 476)	****** { 炭 M tān }
thang	ladder	*** Baric Namsangia hi-tʿo, Banpara tśi-tuń (p. 446) | (Haudricourt) 梯 thăi (M tī), *tai, Lao, Tay Blanc, Tay Noir, Nung ɗăy, Be lei, Sui ke, Mak tśe (p. 520)	*** { 梯 thăi tī }
thay	substitute	*** Viet. also 'thế' | (Haudricourt) 替 thăi\ (M tì), Siamese thaiʾ, Lao, Shan, Tay Blanc, Nung thăy, Ahom thay, Dioi ʾti (p. 520)	**** { 替 tì } /td>
thiếc	tin	**** (Haudricourt) Viet. thiếc, Chin. sek 錫 (M xì), Daic *ʿthrīyek, Lao hiek, Shan hêk, Tay Blanc heʔ, Tho thiek, Nung sek, Mak sik, Bê tek, Cao Lan lek, Dioi rieʔ (p. 498)	**** { 錫 xì } SV 'tích'.
thám	try, investigate	**** M tān 探 tʿām-, Siamese, Lao tʿām/ (interrogate, question) (p.45)	**** { 探 tān } SV 'thám', also, VS 'thăm'
thêm	add	***** M tiān 添 tʿem_, Siamese, Lao tʿem2/ (p.45) | (Haudricourt) Chin ʿthem-, Daic Siamese theem, Lao, Tho, Nung, Dioi tem (p. 497)	****** { 添 tiān } SV 'thiêm'.
thêu	embroid	***** (Haudricourt) Viet. thêu, Daic Lao sewʾ, Shan shew, Tay Blanc, Tho, Nung, Dioi sew (pp. 497, 498)	****** { 繡 xīu } SV 'tiêu'.
thúi	rot	***** OK Kukish *tʿu, Haka tu, Mara tu, Mikir tʿu (p. 277)	**** { 臭 chòu } SV 'xú'
thấy	see	**** Chin to\ (Shafer ?), OB Mig-ltos (p. 48), mtʿoń, Sbalti, Burig tʿoń (p. 81), other Bod. languages Tsangla tʿoń (p. 117) , West Himalayish languages Buman, Themor, Kanauri, Mantśati -tań, Tśamba-Lahuli ta- (p. 133)	**** { 睇 dì, Cant. /t'aj3/ }
thật	very	**** OK Kuki *tak, Holhreng -tak (p. 256)	**** { 實 shí } Also, VS 'trái' (fruit)
thẳng	straigth	*** OB drań-po || OT Bod. lang. Tsangla drań-po (p. 117)	**** { 正 zhèng }
thẹn	be ashamed	**** M cán 慚 dzām-, OB ãdzoms (p. 15)	**** { 慚 cán } SV 'tàm', also, VS 'sượng'
thỏ	hare	***** M tù 兔 tʿo\, Siamese tʿoʾ_ (p.45)	****** { 兔 tù } SV 'thố'
thở	breath	**** M 息 sịək (to breathe), M Bur. ʾă-sak (p. 66)	**** { 息 xì } SV 'tức'
tiếng	sound, voice	**** M shēng 聲 śīń-, Siamese śīyěń (p. 52) | Siamese śīěń/, Lao syəń/, (sień) (Vietnamese, Siamese, Laotian: word, language, sound) (p. 69)	**** { 聲 shēng } SV 'thanh'. VS 'tiếng' also denotes 'language', so is that of Chinese.
trai	masculine	*** OK Luśei tśal, Kom ma-tśe, Tśiru a-tsa (. p 261)	*** { 丁 dīng } SV 'đinh'.
tre	bamboo	**** OK Kukish *tśāl, Luśei tśāl, Hawthai -tśa, Sabeu -tśe (p. 272)	**** { 竹 zhú } SV 'trúc'
tro	ashes	*** Baric Garo tapra, Tipora, Dimasa tʿāpla, Bodo hatʿ@pla, Metś ha-topla, Atong tap-pa-ra, Mośang tap-tʿa, Namsangia tapla, Tśang tap (p. 428)	*** { 灰 huī }
trong	clear	**** C. Br. Kukish *M-r-tʿiańʾ, Kapwi ma-tʿeń (p. 242)	**** { 清 qīng }
trong	middle	**** OB kloń, Siamese klāń (p. 15)	**** {中 zhōng}. The /kl-/ initial cluster appear to be common in both Sino-Tibetan and Austroasiatic Mon-Khmer languages. cf. VS 'trăng', 'giăng', 'tháng'.
trái	fruit	*** OB se-, Chin. (Shafer ?), Katśin si, M Bur. –si\, Kukish *tʿei\, Dimasa tʿai, Luśei tʿei (p. 52) || Southern Kukish Kukish *tʿei, Khimi -tʿai (p. 207), Śo te (p. 218), Minor groups Newari se, si, Old Kukish Kukish *tʿei\, Luśei tʿei\, Mikir tʿe (p. 276), Luhupa Branch Ukhrul tʿei, Phadang tʿi, Tśamphung -tʿai, Kupome tʿai, Khunggoi tʿai-, C. and N. Luhupa -tʿai, Zumomi, Dayang -tʿi (pp. 289, 308, Tśairelish Katśingish tʿei, Rawang -śi (p. 404) | Baric Garo -tʿe, Bodo, Metś, Dimasa, Tipora -tʿai, Tsutiya tśi-ti, Wanang tʿəi, Atong taiʾ (p. 436) | (Haudricourt) Viet. 'trái', Daic Siamese dźāy, Lao, Shan sāy, Tay Blanc, Ahom, Tho tśāy, Sui săy (p. 518)	**** { 實 shí } as in 結實 jiéshí: VS 'kếttrái' (bear fruits)
trái	left	*** Luhupa Branch Hukish *t-p?-wei, Luśei vei-, Kupomr wai- (p. 307)	*** { 左 zuǒ }
trán	forehead	**** M diān 顛 ten- (top of the head; summit), Siamese, Lao ţēn_ (p. 48), OK Luśei -tśal, Kom tśe (p. 261) | Kuksih M-tśal, Baric Tipora mă-tśal (vầngtrán?) (p. 438), Dimasa tʿain, Katśingish tʿa (p. 443)	**** { 顛 diān }
trâu	buffalo	*** Northern Assam Miśinguish Midźu tăloi (p. 182), Old Kukish Kukish *loi, Luśei loi, Meithlei i-roi (p. 282) | Burmese kywai < *klwai, Megyaw ka-lui, Siamese gwāy, Baric Banpara lui, Kaśatsinish ńa-loi (p. 447)	**** { 丑 chǒu } (SV sửu), cf. 牛 níu (SV ngưu) VS 'ngầu', modern C 水牛 shuǐníu (SV thuỷngưu) VS 'trâunước' (wter buffallo)
trông	look	**** OB tlos || A W. Bod. Sbalti, Burig ltos (p. 80)	*** { 瞪 dèng } SV 'trừng', also, VS 'trợn' (glare)
trùn	worm	***** OK Kukish *til, Luśei til, Meithlei til (p. 279)	**** { 蟲 chóng } SV 'trùng', also, VS 'giun', 'sâu', 'sán'
trăng, giăng, tháng	moon, month	*** M yuè 月 ńyɒt < *ŋ-lat, OB z-la-, zla-ba (M 月霸 yuèbà ?), Bur. la, Kukish (except Mikir) *kʿla, Mikir tśik-li < *tśik-kla, Rgya. tsi-le, Rawang śă-la (p. 19) || Other Bod. languages Tsangla la-nyi (p. 118), W. Himal. lang. Kukish S-kʿla, Bunan śrig, Bunan, Almora hla, Thebor la, Kanauri go-l-sań, Tśamba-Lahuli la-za (p. 138), Minor group Toţo ta-ri, Dhimal ta-li1 (p. 169), Southern Branch Kukish *S-kʿla, Luśei tʿla, Thado tʿla, Śiyang tʿa, Vuite Xa (p.247), Old Kukish Aimol, Langrong tʿa, Purum hla, Hrangkhong ta, Hallam tʿa, Biate -tʿa, Kolhreng tʿa, Kom, Tarao tʿla, Lamgang ƫʿa, Anal (si) ƫʿaʾ (p. 252), Kuki *S-kʿla, Tśiru ƫʿla (p. 262), Mara tʿla (p. 266), Luhupa Branch Kwoireng tśă-hyu, Khoirao lʿa (p. 301) | Burmish Bur. *hla, M Bur. lă, Lolo Phumoi la\, Akha la¯, Nyi tʿla-, Ahi hlo-, Lolopho hyo-, Phupha la (p. 366) | Baric Tipura tal, Bodo dān 'month', Metś dān (in compounds), Moran dan, Dimasa dain3, D daiń, B tain, Hojai deń, Dhimal tālǐ, Garo dźa, Abeng dźa-dźoń (p. 435, 443) || Comments: Shafer's comments on the medial -l- : 'As in Indo-European, medial l causes a good deal of difficulty in Sino-Tibetan because of its effect on preceding consonants. Old Bodish has only kl and bl. Luśei only tl and tʿl and some other Kurkish kl and kʿl. In Middle Burmese *-l- becomes -y- and only occasionally do we have *-l- preserved in an Old Burmese inscription. or in the Tavoy dilect.' (p. 423). With these implications we can equally apply them to the various Vietnamese forms of 'blời', 'blăng', 'trời', 'trăng', and 'giời', 'giăng'.	*** {月 yù } SV 'nguyệt'
trả(giá)	bargain	**** OK Kukish *d@r, Luśei d@r, Mikir dor-pet (p. 278)	**** { 討(價) tăo(jià) }, also, VS 'trảgiá'
trắng	white	*** OB dkar-ba || OT Bod. lang. Gurung, Marmi, Thaksya tar- | Shafer: Parallel to OB dkar-ba "white" are not found ouside Bodish, and one can only say the the primitive Tibeto-Burmic form may have been *t-ɣar which would explain the preservation of the prefix and the dropping of the initial.) (p. 125)	*** { 素 sù } SV tố (no color)
trẻ	children	*** (Haudricourt) Daic Siamese těk, Lao, Ahom, Shan, Tay noir, Tay blanc, Dioi ta, Tho tha, Nung ha (p. 456), Also: Viet. 'say' (?), tai, *tśru Daic Siamese, Lao, Tay blanc, Tho ɗek (p. 492)	**** { 稚 zhì } SV 'trĩ'
trống	drum	**** Also, Viet. 'cồng' | M qiāng 椌 kʿ@ng- (Chin. hollow wooden beaten instrument of music Li-chi), Kukish *kʿuań, Luśei kʿuań, Kukish tum\ (p.202) || Northern Assam Miśing, Tagen -dum, Yano, E. Nyising -dūm (p. 202) | (Haudricourt) Siamese kl@@ŋ, Lao, Shan kɔń, Ahom klwraŋ, Dioi kyɔń (p. 509)	*** { 椌 qiāng } SV 'khương'. cf. 鼓 gǔ, probably VS 'mõ'
trống	empty	**** OB stoń-pa || A W. Bod. Sbalti stoń (p. 81), OT Bod. lang. Tsangla stoń-po (p. 117)	**** { 空 kōng } SV 'không'
trợt	to slip	**** Also, V té 'fall down', M diè 跌 det, OB ãdred (p. 51)	**** { 跌 diè } SV 'trật'
trứng	egg	***** Kukish *tui, Luśei tui, Dimasa di, OB dui (p. 48)	****** { 蛋 dàn } for 'trứng'. For /tui/ and /dui/, **** 卵 luán SV 'noãn', Hainanese /nuj1/
tên	arrow	***** OK Kukish *tʿal, Luśei tʿal, Sabeu tśa-tey (p. 272), Mikir tāl (p. 277)	**** { 箭 jiàn } SV 'tiễn'
tía	father	***** M tiè 爹 tʿă-, Siamese tā, OB ʿa-ta (p. 67)	****** { 爹 diè }, also, VS 'cha' (father)
túi	pack	*** (Haudricourt) Siamese daiʾ, Lao thăy, Tay Noir, Tay Blanc, Tho, Nung tăy, Mak thāy (p. 520)	**** 袋 dài (SV đảy): VS 'túi' (sachet), Cant. /tɔj3/. Cf. *** { 兜 dòu } VS 'túi' (pocket)
tốt	good	*** Old Kukish Kuki *pʿra, Luśei tʿa, Tśiru, Kom, Langang, Anal -ţʿa, Aimol, Hallam, Kolhreng -sa, Purum -ŕa, Langrong ţʿa, Biate tʿa- (pp. 261, 262) | Daic Siamese ti, Lao, Ahom di, Shan li, Tay Noir, Tay Blanc, Dioi di, Tho dei, Nung dăy (p. 483)	**** { 德 dé } SV 'đức'
u	mother	*** Tśairelish Tśairel (a)-u, Mru u, Katśinish u ? (p. 391)	**** { 母 mǔ }
uống	drink	**** OK Kuki *in, Luśei in, Biate in, Purum in-, Kom -in- (pp. 257-258)	****** { 飲 yǐn } SV 'ẩm'
voi	elephant	*** O Bur. *m-ɣui\, Śo (a)-mui\, Yawdwin m-wi, Ukhrul mă-vhû, Phadang mahwi (pp. 25-27), C. Br. all languages, Haka, Taungtha, Śonśe wi (p. 232), Lahupa Branch Kukish *m-ɣui\, Luśei wi, Ukhrul mă-vʿu, Phadang ma-hwi (p. 312 )	*** { 為 wéi } (archaic Chin.)
vua	king	***** OB rgyal-po || E. dialects Amdo rgyal-wo (p. 105)	**** { 王 wáng } SV 'vương', also, VS 'bua'.
vào	enter	*** also V. vô, Chin. ? (absent in Shafer's list), OB hońs, M Bur. wań (enter), Luśei *wań (p. 64) | (Haudricourt) Daic *xau, Siamese ʾkhau, Lao, Tay Noir, Tay Blanc, Sha, Tho, Nung khăw, Ahom khaw, Caolan qhăw, Dioi hăw, Bê (law) (p. 522)	**** { 入 rù }, SV 'nhập'. Also, 込 yū, 迂 yū SV 'vu'​ (enter)
vác	carry on back	**** M fù 負 bǔ/, Kukish *t ?-pu, Luśei pu, M Bur. pui\, Dimasa –bu (p. 49)	**** { 負 fù } SV 'phụ'
vái	pray	***** Viet. also 'bái', 'lạy' | (Haudricourt) Viet. 'vái', Siamese ʾhwai, Lao, Shan văy, Ahom băy (p. 521)	**** { 拜 bài }
ván	board	**** SV 'biển', (Haudricourt) Viet. 'ván', Chin. pen/ 扁 (M pián), Daic Siamese ʾpeen, Lao pɛn, Ahom piñ, Shan, Tay Noir, Tay Blac, Nung, Tho pɛn (p. 496)	**** { 扁 pián } SV 'biển': also, VS 'bảng' associated with ***** { 板 băn } SV 'bản'
vòng	circular	**** M yuán 圓 ʾwăn-, Kukish *wal, Luśei val, Katśin val, M Bur. wan\ (pp. 42-43)	**** { 圓 yuán }. Also, 'tròn' (round)
vòng	round	**** M wān 彎 wăn-, M Bur. ʾwan\ (p. 64)	**** { 環 huán } SV 'hoàn'
vùi	bury	**** S. K. Kukish *wui, Luśei vui, Khimi vui (p. 208), S. Br. Thado wui, Śiyang wi (p.249), Luhupa Branch Kukish *wui, Luśei vui, Phadang tśa-hui (p. 312 )	**** { 埋 mái } SV 'mai'
vũng	pool	**** (Haudricourt) Daic *puŋ, Lao, Tay Noir, Tho ɓuń, Ahom ɓuŋ, Tay Blanc buń (p. 489)	*** { 汪 wàng } SV 'vượng'
vườn	garden	**** (Haudricourt) Siamese sw@n, Lao, Tay Noir, Tho suon, Ahom, Nung sun, Shan shon, Tay Blanc son, Cao-lan lun, Dioi suən (p. 503)	****** { 園 yuán } SV 'viên'
vượn	monkey	***** OK Kukish *-y@ń, Luśei z@ń, Tlongsai a-zeu, Miram -a-zau_ (p. 271), Meithlei yōm (p. 280), Luhupa Branch Maring yuń, Khoibu, Ukhrul, Phadang Kupome, Khunggoi, C. and N. Luhupa, Maram, Khoirao -yoń, Kwoireng -dźoń (pp. 296, 297)	**** { 猿 yuán }
vải	cotton, textile	*** (Haudricourt) Daic Siamese vāyʾ, Lao, Tay Noir, Tay Blanc fāy, Shan fe, Nung, Wuming phāy, Dioi way, Mak wāy (pp. 463, 518)	*** { 布 bù }, also, *** 帛 bò: SV 'bạch' (fabrics)
vảy	scales	*** (Haudricourt) Viet. 'vảy', Siamese ʾhwai, Lao, Shan, Tay Blanc văy (p. 521)	*** { 皮 pí }, also ** { 翼 yì } VS 'vây'
vịt	duck	**** (Haudricourt) Viet. vịt, Daic Dioi pit, Mak bit (p. 493)	** { 鴨 yā } SV 'áp'
vỏ	husk	**** C. Br. Kukish *wai, Luśei wai, Pankhu -vai, Haka vai (p. 230), Old Kukish Meithlei wai (p. 282)	**** { 皮 pǐ }.Alternatively, possible ** { 殼 gǔ }
vợ	wife	**** V. 'mợ' | OB sna, O Bur. hna, Karenic *hma-, Karenni mä, Pwo mə38, Sgaw mā1, Bwe mäʾ (p. 414)	**** { 婦 fù }, also, VS 'bụa'
xa	far	**** Southern Branch Kukish *hlaʾ, Luśei lā, Thado -la, Ralte -la-, Śiyang -la, Vuite -la (p. 246)	**** { 遐 xiá } SV 'hà'
xe	carriage	***** (Haudricourt) Daic Tay Noir, Tho, Nung sɛ, Tay Blanc tshɛ, Dioi śie (p. 494)	****** { 車 chē } SV 'xa'
xong	complete	**** Burmish O Bur. tśum, M Bur. tśum, N Bur. soũ, Tavoy saũ (p. 361)	**** { 成 chéng }
xài	use	**** (Haudricourt) Siamese ʾdźaǐ, Lao səɯ, Ahom tśaü, Shan səɯ, Tay Noir, Tay Blanc tśəɯ (p. 524)	**** { 消 xiāo } SV 'tiêu' (consume)
xơi	eat	**** OB dgu, M Bur. tśa\ || W. C E. Himal. lang. Khambu tśa, Kulung, Waling, Kiranti tśo, Limbu tśe (p. 146) | Baric Garo tśaʾ-5, Abeng tśa-ʾ, Dacca tśa-, Wanang sa-, Atong saʾ-, Tintikiya, Rabha sa-, Ruga si-, Kontś sa, Bodo zaʾ-, Metś dźa-, Dimasa dźi, Tipora tśa-, Lalung, Mośang sa, Tśang śsau- (pp. 436, 437)	**** { 食 shí } cf. Cant /sik8/
xương	bone	** OB rus-pa | OT Bod. lang. Rgyarong śa-ru (E.), śarhu (H.) p. 120), || West Central and East Himalayish Bahing rö-sye, Sunwari ru-śe, Tśaurasya ru-su, Dumi sa-lu < *sa-ru, Khaling so-lo, Rodong sa-ru-wa, Karanti sa-i-ba, Waling sa-iwa, sa-rʿ-wa, Rungtśh sa-yu-ba, yu-ba, (p. 148), Karenic Paw tświ28, Sinhma, Tangthu -swi (p.423) | Baric Garo greń, Wanang, Atong, Ruga kereń, Bodo, Metś -geń, Dimasa -gereń (446) | OB rus-, Kukish r2us, Bur. ʿă-rui\, Katśin nrut (Shafer: "No single explanation will account for all the irregularities. In the word for "bone" rus appears to be from ru-sá, primitively in a compound, as indicated by Bahing (E. Him.) rö-sye, but with the elements of the compound reversed in some of the other languages where the root has no final -s: Rgyarong śa-ru Rawang śă-rä < *-ru."), (p. 443)	** { 腔 qiāng } SV 'xoang'. Cf. '腔骨 qiānggǔ (VS 'xươngcốt')
xấu	bad	**** Northern Branch Kukish *tśiatʾ, Luśei tśiatʾ, Śiyang śiě, sʿia (p. 244)	**** { 丑 chǒu }
xếp	to fold	**** M dié 疊 dep, OB ldeb-pa, Siamese d@p | OB lteb-, Eastern dialects Amdo hteb- (p. 108) | M zhé 摺 tśīp, Siamese, Lao tśīp_ (p.67) | also (Haudricourt) Viet. 'chiếp' (?), Daic Siamese, Lao tśip, Mak sip (p. 487)	**** { 疊 dié }
yên	saddle	***** M ān 鞍 ʿān-, Siamese ʿān (p. 72) | (Haudricourt) Viet. 'yên', Daic Siamese ʔān, Lao, Shan, Tay Noir, Tay Blanc, Tho, Nung, Mak ān, Dioi an, Bê iên (p. 477)	***** { 鞍 ān }
én	swallow	**** (Haudricourt) Chin. ʾen\ 燕 (M yàn), Daic Siamese ʔeenʾ, Lao, Tho, Nung ɛn, Mak ēn, Bê ean (p. 496)	****** { 燕 yàn }
ôm	hug	**** (Haudricourt) Daic Siamese ʿʔum, Sui, Mak ʔum, Lao, Shan, Ahom, Tay Noir, Tay Blanc um, Nung op (p. 468, 492)	**** { 擁 yǒng } SV 'ủng', ex. 擁抱 yǒngbào: VS 'ômbồng' }
ăn	put or throw into the mouth	**** M hán 含 ɣām-, M xián 銜 ɣām-, OB gams, Siamese, Lao gām- (p. 72)	**** { 含 hán }, VS 'ngậm', SV 'hàm'. Shafer or Haudricourt should switch this word with their M àn 唵 ʿām- if they meant VS 'ăn' (eat).
đen	dark, black, somber	**** M xuán 玄 ɣuʷen-, Siamese, Lao gūn (night) (p. 72) | OT Bod. lang. Gurung mloń-ya, Marmi mlań-ai, Thaksya malań (p. 127),Tśairelish Katśinish dum, Andro tum-, Sengmai tʿum-, Sak -tʿün (p. 397) | (Haudricourt) Daic Siamese tām, Lao, Ahom, Shan, Tay blanc, Tho, Nung dăm, Tay noir lăm, Li dɔm (p. 459)	**** { 玄 xuán } SV 'huyền'. Also, VS 'tuyền'.
đi	walk, go, come	**** M lǚ 履 lyi/, Siamese lī (p. 41) | Minor group Tsangla de, Almora di (p. 172), Kukish di (come), Amora Branch of W. Him. di, de (go) (p. 330)	*** { 去 qù }
đinh	nail	***** O Bur. *m-tin\, Bom -mi-ti, Tśiru mẹ-tịn, Kom ma-tịn, Khoirao mă-tin (pp.14, 25-27), OB sen-mo, M Bur. -śań\, Luśei tin (p. 68)	***** { 釘 dīng }. Also, VS 'đóng' (to nail) }
điếc	deaf	*** (Haudricourt) Viet. điếc, Siamese hnw@k, Lao, Tho, Nung nuok, Ahom, Dioi nuk, Shan nôk, Tay Noir nuoʔ, Tay Blanc noʔ, Mak ʔdāk, Bê mok (p. 502)	** { 聵 kuì } SV ngoái (born deaf) cf. 'lãng' for '聾 lóng' (modern M to mean 'deaf')
điểm	mark	***** M diăn 點 tem/, Siamese tēm2\ (p. 48)	***** { 點 diăn }. cf. VS 'châm'
đàng, đường	path	**** Also, V đàng 'road, way, route', M táng 唐 dāń- (Shijing 700 a-b: path in a temple, also, 'route, road'), Siamese, Lao dāń (also, road, way) (p. 51)	***** { 唐 táng }. cf. 途 tú (SV 'đồ;), 道 dào (SV đạo), ex. 走道 zǒudào: VS 'đườngđi' (path)
đào	dig	**** Kukish *tai, Katśin dai (p. 48), Burmish Bur. *do\, M Bur. tu\, Phumoi tu¯, Akha tu\, Nyi du\ (p. 369), Tśairelish Katśingish tʿo, Kadu tʿu (p. 408)	**** { 掏 tāo }
đá	stone	*** OB rdo || A W. Bob. rdo-, Burig rdǒa (p. 80), Ladwags rdo (p. 85), Eastern dialects Amdo ʾdo (p.108) | Karenic Paku lö5, Bwe, Geba lo2, Nuku loʾ\¯ (p.420)	**** { 石 shí, dàn }
đái	urinate	**** M niào 尿 nīau\, Siamese yīyěw, Lao ńyəw_^, ńiew (p. 65) | (Haudricourt) Daic Siamese yīewʾ, Lao, Dioi ñiew, Ahom ñew, Shan yew, Tay Noir, Tay Blanc, Tho, Nung, Mak new (pp. 463, 464)	**** { 尿 niào } SV 'niệu', also, VS 'tiểu'
đánh	beat, strike	***** M dă 打 teń, OB teń (Mantśati unit), Luśei deń (p. 66) || also OB rduń, E. dialects Dwags duń (p. 115)	****** { 打 dă } SV 'đả'. Cf. 丁 dīng: SV 'đinh' /dejng1/
đáp	reply	***** (Haudricourt) 答 tāp (M dá), Siamese t@@p, Lao, Shan, Nung tɔp (p. 511)	***** 答 dá
đâm	stab	***** (Haudricourt) Viet. /ɗâm/, Daic Siamese tām, Lao, Shan, Tay Noir, Tay Blanc kăm, Tho, Nung tăm, Dioi tam (p. 482)	****** { 捅 tǒng }
đây	here	**** (Haudricourt) Viet. đây, Daic Siamese di, Lao thi, Ahom, Shan, Tho, Nung, Tay Noir, Tay Blanc, Dioi ti, Mak day (p. 484)	*** { 此 cǐ }
đêm	night	**** OB mtsʿan-mo || A W. Bod. Sbalti tsʿan (p. 81), Souther Branch Kukish *yān, Luśei zān, Thado yān, Śiyang yan3, Vuite zan (p. 247)	*** { 宵 xiāo } SV 'tiêu'
đói	hunger	**** OB ltogs-pa || A W. Bod. Sbalti ltok-, Burig ltok (p. 80)	**** { 餒 něi }, with the pattern /n-/ ~ /d-/
đôi	pair	***** OB dor || A W. Bod. Sbalti dor (p. 83)	****** { 對 duì } SV 'đối'
đũa	chopsticks	***** (Haudricourt) Chin. d'ịʷo\ 箸 (M zhú), Daic Siamese thu', Lao, Ahom, Shan, Tay Blanc thu (p. 488)	****** { 箸 zhú }
đất	earth	*** Luhupa Branch *k-m-deʾ, Kwoirng kă-d-di, Kabui kă-n-di, Khoirao n-dʿa, Empeo go-dei (p. 307) | (Haudricourt) Daic Siamese tin, Lao, Tay Noir, Tay Blanc din, Li den, Shan lin (p. 259), Tho, Nung ɗin (p. 486)	**** { 土 tǔ } (soil), also, 地 dì (earth), 田 tián (land) }
đầy	full	*** S. Br. Kukish *dim, Luśei dim-, Thado dim, Śiyang ɖim (p. 251), Tśairelish Katśinish dim, Kadu dem (p. 411)	*** { 沓 dá } SV 'đáp'
đặt	to place	**** (Haudricourt) Daic *dăt, Lao _thăt, Tay Blanc, Tho, Nung tăt (p. 479)	*** { 置 zhí } VS 'trí'
đền	palace, temple	***** M diàn 殿 den\, Siamese dēn\1 (p. 51)	****** { 殿 diàn } SV 'điện'
đỏ	red	*** (Haudricourt) Daic Siamese teeŋ, Lao, Tay noir, Tay blanc, Tho, Nung, Mak ɗɛń, Ahom, Dioi diń, Shan leń, Li tlɛń (p. 495)	*** { 彤 tóng }
đố	to bet	*** (Haudricourt) Viet. 'đổ', Siamese t@@ʾ, Lao, Shan, Tay Noir, Tay Blanc, Tho tɔ, Ahom, Nung, Dioi to (p. 507)	** { 賭 dǔ }. cf. 猜 cài: SV 'thai' ~ VS 'đoán' (guess)
đốt	burn	****** OB drugs, M Bur. tok (p. 51) || Northern Assam Midźu tʿak (M) (p. 186)	**** { 燒 shāo } SV 'thiêu'
đồn	be rumored	*** OK Kukish *tʿańʾ, Luśei tʿań, Mikir tʿań (rumor) (p. 277)	**** { 傳(聞) chuán(wén) }, also, VS 'ngheđồn'
đỗ	bean	**** (Haudricourt) Chin. duʾ\ 荳 (M dòu), Siamese thwăʾ, Lao thuo, Ahom thu, Shan tho, Tay Noir thuo, Tay Blanc tho, Nung thu, Dioi tuo, Sui thăw, Li thaw (p. 502)	**** { 荳 dòu }, also, modern M 豆 dòu (SV 'đậu').
độc	poisson	***** M dú 毒 duok, M Bur. tok (p. 51), OB drug, dug (p. 69) | (Haudricourt) Daic Siamese tuk, Lao, Tay noir, Tho ɗuk (p. 486)	**** { 毒 dú }, also, VS 'nọc'
đớn(đau)	feel pain, love	**** Also V 'thương', M téng 疼 duoń- (only in modern Chin. this word conveys those two meanings while 痛 tòng signifies 'pain' only.), OB gduńs, gduńs-pa (p. 51)	**** { 疼 téng } [ -w < -ong ] cf. 疼痛 téngtòng: VS 'đauđớn' (pain)
đứng	stand	**** Kukish *M-tuńʾ\, Luśei tuńʾ, Dimasa doń- (p. 48)	**** { 站 zhàn }
ảng	basin, jug	**** M áng 盎 ʾāń\, Siamese ʾāń_2, M Bur. ʾāń (p. 42)	**** { 盎 áng }
ỉa	deffecate	**** S. K. Luśei ēkʾ, Śo ek (p. 221)	**** { 屙 é }, cf. Cant. /o5/
ức, ngực	chest	***** S. Br. Kukish *ir, Luśei, Ralte ir (p. 249)	****** { 臆 yì }

IV) Reframing Vietnamese lexicon within Shafer's six‑division taxonomy

From the 400 fundamental word list, randomly we can extract from them to fit them into our etymological purposes at any manners that we would like to, for example:

Table 1 - Mon‑Khmer vs. Sino‑Tibetan correspondences

Vietnamese (VS)	Mon‑Khmer Parallel	Sino‑Tibetan correspondence	Gloss
chó	Khmu choʔ	OC koʔ → SV cẩu 狗 gǒu	'dog'
gà	Khmer moən	OC ka → SV kê 雞 jī	'chicken'
lúa	Riang luah	OC ləʔ → SV lai 來 lái	'paddy'
cá	Khmer trey	OC ŋa → SV ngư 魚 yú	'fish'
lá	Khmu laʔ	OC hljeb → SV diệp 葉 yè	'leaf'
ngày	Khmer thngai	OC ŋit → SV nhật 日 rì	'day'
mẹ	Khmer mae	OC mʷaʔ → SV mẫu 母 mǔ	'mother'

Table 2 - Expanded comparative grid with Chinese etymology

Source: Vietnamese Basic Word Lists At the Crossroads

Vietnamese (VS)	Sino‑Vietnamese (SV) / Chinese	Mon‑Khmer Parallels	Sino‑Tibetan / Chinese etymology
chó	狗 gǒu (SV cẩu)	Khmu choʔ (outside Table 1A)	狗 gǒu < MC kəwʔ < OC koʔ. Cognate with Tibetan khyi 'dog', Burmese khwe, Proto‑ST kʷəʔ.
gà	雞 jī (SV kê)	Khmer moən	雞 jī < MC ke < OC ka. Cognate with Written Tibetan bya 'bird', Burmese ka, Proto‑ST ka.
lúa (via gạo)	稻 dào (SV đạo)	Old Mon /ti/, Khmer /ti/	稻 dào < MC dawk < OC l'uːɡ. Cognate with Proto‑ST doʔ 'grain', Burmese hlo, Tibetan 'bras 'rice'.
cá	魚 yú (SV ngư)	Khmer trey	魚 yú < MC ŋɨa < OC ŋa. Cognate with Proto‑ST ŋa 'fish', Tibetan nya, Burmese nga.
lá	葉 yè (SV diệp)	Khmu laʔ	葉 yè < MC jep < OC ljap. Cognate with Tibetan shog 'leaf', Burmese hpa, Proto‑ST lap.
ngày	日 rì (SV nhật)	Old Mon /tŋai/, Khmer /thngai/	日 rì < MC ȵit < OC nit. Cognate with Tibetan nyi ma 'sun, day', Burmese ne 'sun/day', Proto‑ST nit.
mẹ	母 mǔ (SV mẫu)	Khmer mae	母 mǔ < MC muwʔ < OC mʷaʔ. Cognate with Tibetan ma 'mother', Burmese ame, Proto‑ST ma.

Key points

• Chinese etymologies (from Table 1A and Sino‑Tibetan reconstructions) consistently show deep cognacy with Vietnamese forms.

• Mon‑Khmer parallels exist but are often divergent or secondary.

• Sino‑Tibetan correspondences (Tibetan, Burmese, Proto‑ST) reinforce the argument that Vietnamese roots are embedded in the broader Sino‑Tibetan family.

The evidence presented above strongly supports the Sino-Tibetan and Sinitic-Vietnamese affiliations for most of the cited etymologies. The listings speak for themselves, and the cognates are highly plausible. It should be noted, however, that the examples are not exhaustive, since much depends on how one defines the category of "basic" vocabulary.

Unlike the relatively limited basic lexicons in Luce's comparanda, Shafer's wordlist offers a far richer resource, containing multiple layers of Sino-Tibetan etymologies. From these, a number of selective etyma align convincingly with Vietnamese forms, both phonologically and semantically, and are plausibly cognate. The list could certainly be expanded with results from more recent Sino-Tibetan research, which would allow for broader verification of lexical correspondences, including those claimed by the Mon-Khmer camp. Overlapping cognates across Sino-Tibetan and Mon-Khmer languages would then provide a clearer basis for determining their true origins.

The cross-language etymologies cited here have often diverged so far from their Chinese prototypes that they are scarcely recognizable, yet they appear more closely related to Vietnamese forms. This raises the question: what is the real issue with the wordlist in the previous section, as compared to other Austroasiatic Mon-Khmer listings?

First, Shafer's wordlist is, by any measure, inexhaustible. Some items were deliberately omitted because their cognacy is not immediately obvious and would require tracing through multiple transitional Sino-Tibetan languages to establish affinity. Even so, the listings provided here contain sufficient data to verify interrelationships with Vietnamese and to lay the groundwork for demonstrating genetic connections in their etymological roots.

Second, the same problems that have long complicated the Mon-Khmer to Vietnamese scenario remain. For instance, the Vietnamese cognates with Mon-Khmer numerals 1 to 5 are often cited by the Austroasiatic camp as justification for classifying Vietnamese within the Mon-Khmer subfamily. Yet if we recognize that Mon-Khmer numerals beyond 10 are Thai loans, themselves cognate with Chinese, we can also reconsider the origins of Vietnamese numerals 6 to 9, which diverge entirely from their Cambodian counterparts.

Third, many of Shafer's Chinese citations were drawn from Haudricourt's lists. Because these etyma are also found across Tai-Kadai languages, it becomes clear that numerous Daic-Vietnamese cognates are in fact Chinese loanwords shared by both Vietnamese and Thai. Their close articulatory resemblance points to a common Chinese source. As a result, there is no longer a serious obstacle to interpreting these cognates as Sino-Tibetan in origin, mediated through Chinese.

In the sections that follow, we will address the persistent issues that have hindered progress in re-establishing Vietnamese as a language on par with Sinitic. It seems that Shafer's Tibetan wordlist has never been fully examined, yet it contains material that could strengthen the Sino-Tibetan hypothesis and move us beyond narrow debates over numerals. Rather than being distracted by the barebones Mon-Khmer numerals 1 to 5, which cannot by themselves establish kinship, we should turn to the broader body of basic vocabulary that reveals deeper Vietnamese cognates within Sino-Tibetan etymologies.

Conclusion

This study has sought to move beyond the entrenched Mon‑Khmer paradigm and to reposition Vietnamese within the wider Sino‑Tibetan sphere. Building on Robert Shafer's Introduction to Sino‑Tibetan (1966–1974) and subsequent comparative research, the analysis demonstrates that Vietnamese shares profound lexical, phonological, and structural correspondences not only with Sinitic but also with Daic, Bodic, Burmic, Baric, and Karenic divisions.

Vietnamese cannot be reduced to a Mon‑Khmer outlier. Its lexicon reveals deep Sino‑Tibetan foundations, spanning multiple divisions and reinforced by polysyllabic structures. Reframing Vietnamese in this continuum challenges long‑standing Austroasiatic assumptions and opens new pathways for comparative inquiry into the language's historical development.

The comparative evidence presented here moves decisively past the narrow Austroasiatic paradigm. By demonstrating systematic correspondences across multiple branches, and by exposing the methodological shortcomings of earlier Mon‑Khmer claims, this chapter lays a new foundation for understanding Vietnamese etymology.

Several conclusions emerge:

1. Polysyllabicity as diagnostic: Vietnamese resonates with the disyllabic and polysyllabic structures characteristic of Sino‑Tibetan languages, undermining the long‑standing assumption of its "monosyllabic" essence.
2. Methodological critique: Earlier Mon‑Khmer specialists, relying on local informants and rigid frameworks such as "linguistic mentalism," produced speculative results riddled with errors. Vietnamese linguists inherited these flaws, perpetuating misclassifications and misquotations.
3. Reframing the debate: By re‑packaging so‑called Mon‑Khmer "fundamental words" within a Sino‑Tibetan comparative framework, this study yields more coherent results. Over 400 Vietnamese cognates with Sino‑Tibetan etyma have been identified, many aligning more closely with Chinese than with Mon‑Khmer.

At the same time, the work remains incomplete. A comprehensive mapping of Vietnamese across all six Sino‑Tibetan divisions is still underway, and Shafer's data requires refinement through modern reconstructions. Yet the trajectory is unmistakable: Vietnamese is not an Austroasiatic outlier but a language whose etymological foundations are deeply interwoven with the Sino‑Tibetan family.

This chapter highlights the need for multi‑branch etymological mapping and a holistic comparative framework. Vietnamese emerges not as a peripheral case but as a central witness to the historical interplay of Sino‑Tibetan languages. Recognizing this opens avenues for future research in orthographic reform, annotated lexicons, and the reconstruction of a shared linguistic heritage that binds Vietnam to the wider Sino‑Tibetan world.

This foundation, however, is not an endpoint but a platform for further inquiry. The next task is to explore how these etymological correspondences manifest in structural, cultural, and historical dimensions. The question is no longer whether Vietnamese belongs within this framework, but how its unique trajectory – shaped by centuries of contact, adaptation, and resistance – produced the language we know today.

In this way, the argument advances from comparative etymology to a broader synthesis: Vietnamese as both a product of Sino‑Tibetan affiliations and a language that forged its own identity through historical circumstance.

"Vietnamese speaks with the voices of Sino‑Tibetan kin, yet carves its own path through time."

References

Foundational Sino‑Tibetan Framework

• Shafer, Robert. Introduction to Sino‑Tibetan. Wiesbaden: Otto Harrassowitz, 1966–1974.

• Benedict, Paul K. Sino‑Tibetan: A Conspectus. Cambridge University Press, 1972.

• Matisoff, James A. Handbook of Proto‑Tibeto‑Burman. University of California Press, 2003.

Vietnamese Historical Linguistics

• Maspero, Henri. Études sur la phonétique historique de la langue annamite. Les initiales. Paris: Imprimerie Nationale, 1912.

• Haudricourt, André‑Georges. L'origine des tons en vietnamien. Journal Asiatique 242, 1954, pp. 69–82.

• Haudricourt, André‑Georges. Problèmes de phonétique diachronique: la nasalisation vocalique en vietnamien. Bulletin de la Société de Linguistique de Paris 49, 1954.

Tonogenesis and Comparative Studies

• Mei, Tsu‑lin. Tones and Prosody in Middle Chinese and the Origin of the Rising Tone. Harvard Journal of Asiatic Studies 30(1), 1970, pp. 86–110.

• Pulleyblank, Edwin G. Middle Chinese: A Study in Historical Phonology. Vancouver: University of British Columbia Press, 1984.

• Chen, Shu‑Fen. Vowel Length in Middle Chinese Based on Buddhist Sanskrit Transliterations. Language and Linguistics 4(1), 2003, pp. 29–45.

• Thurgood, Graham. Vietnamese and Tonogenesis: Revisiting Haudricourt. California State University, Chico, 2002.

Comparative Austroasiatic Context

• Thomas, David D. Basic Vocabulary in Some Mon–Khmer Languages. Mon–Khmer Studies, 1960.

• Sidwell, Paul. Austroasiatic Dataset for Phylogenetic Analysis: 2015 Version. Mon–Khmer Studies 44, Mahidol University / SIL International.

• Alves, Mark J. An Updated Overview of the Austroasiatic Components of Vietnamese. Languages 9(12), 2024.

Sinitic-Vietnamese Layering

• Sa, Quoc Hoang. Study on the Understanding and Use of Sino‑Vietnamese Words: Perspectives from Secondary School Students in Ho Chi Minh City. Spring Journal of Arts, Humanities and Social Sciences 4(5), 2025.

Comparative Methodology

• Campbell, Lyle. Historical Linguistics: An Introduction. Edinburgh University Press, 2013.

• Haspelmath, Martin. Comparative Linguistics and the Problem of Spurious Similarities. Linguistic Typology 9(1), 2005.

FOOTNOTES

---

(1)^ "Bod" is just another name "Bak" – as in 百姓 Baixing, 百越 BáchViệt or BaiYue – as discussed by Lacouperie (Ibid., see Chapter 9) that "Bak was an ethnic and nothing else. We may refer as a proof to the similar name, rendered however by different symbols, which they gave to several of their early capitals, PUK, POK, PAK, all names known to us after ages, and of which the similarity with Pak, Bak, cannot be denied. In the region from where they had come, Bak was a well-known ethnic, for instance, Bakh in Bakhdhi (Bactra), Bagistan, Bagdada, etc. etc., and is explained as meaning 'fortunate, flourishing' " in addition to what was discussed by the same author quoted in Chapter 6 regarding the Pre-Chinese and the Chinese, per Lacouperie (ibid, pp. 116-119), on the ancestral Bak of the early Chinese as opposed to the pre-Chinese.