Chapter 10 - Parallels with the Sino-Tibetan Languages

Executive Summary

1. Sino-Tibetan etymologies
2. Issues in cognates of cardinal numbers
3. The unfinished work

This chapter extends the comparative framework beyond the Mon-Khmer debate, situating Vietnamese within the broader Sino-Tibetan sphere. By drawing on Robert Shafer’s Introduction to Sino-Tibetan (1966–1974) and subsequent comparative studies, the analysis demonstrates that Vietnamese shares deep lexical, phonological, and structural correspondences with multiple Sino-Tibetan divisions. These parallels challenge the adequacy of binary comparisons (e.g., Mon-Khmer vs. Vietnamese) and instead highlight the need for multi-branch etymological mapping.

Key points include:

• Methodological critique: Earlier Mon-Khmer specialists relied heavily on local informants, essentially "tour guides", and applied rigid frameworks such as "linguistic mentalism". Their work, often speculative, left loopholes that become evident under closer scrutiny.

• Vietnamese scholarship: Later Vietnamese linguists inherited these frameworks, often reproducing errors such as misspellings, misquotations, and misclassifications of etyma.

• Sino-Tibetan perspective: Shafer’s taxonomy of six divisions (Sinitic, Daic, Bodic, Burmic, Baric, Karenic) provides a more comprehensive comparative base. Vietnamese forms align with cognates across these divisions, often more closely than with Mon-Khmer.

• Polysyllabicity: Disyllabic and polysyllabic forms in Sino-Tibetan languages resonate with Vietnamese structures, reinforcing the methodological importance of moving beyond monosyllabic analysis.

As we proceed, the scope of inquiry will move beyond what many Mon-Khmer specialists have traditionally envisioned. The shortcomings of much of their argumentation and analysis lie in their heavy reliance on local informants, essentially "tour guides", a practice common among Indo-European structuralists until the late 1980s. Yet one must ask: did these informants possess sufficient academic knowledge of both Vietnamese and one or more Mon-Khmer languages to provide reliable data? Methodologically, many of these scholars adhered rigidly to particular schools of thought, such as the Bloomfieldian tradition, applying their frameworks mechanically within the paradigm of "linguistic mentalism." Equipped primarily with abstract comparative tools such as analogy and theoretical reasoning, their work often remained speculative rather than empirically grounded. The result was a body of research that, while systematic, left significant loopholes that become apparent upon closer scrutiny.

Later generations of Vietnamese specialists largely followed the same path, working within the Mon-Khmer framework established by their predecessors. Their studies typically began with pre-existing data, cited in earlier sections, which served as their springboard. This reliance, however, made them prone to errors — misreferences, misspellings, and misquotations — that recur throughout their works and are often flagged with "(?)" or "[sic]" in this survey. On the surface, it may appear that I, too, risk similar errors, particularly given my limited familiarity with non-Sinitic Sino-Tibetan languages. I must therefore acknowledge my dependence on Shafer's data: if his material contains inaccuracies, then my citations inevitably reproduce them.

This phenomenon is not new. Earlier linguists working on Vietnamese, such as Haudricourt and Maspero, frequently introduced errors such as misspellings, speculative reconstructions based on superficial phonetic similarity, and misclassifications of etyma. Such examples reveal a frequent conflation of Sino-Vietnamese (SV) with Sinitic-Vietnamese (VS), and a neglect of tonal and semantic distinctions that differentiate lexical meanings. Examples include Haudricourt's treatment of Old Chinese 賊 *zɯːɡ (Mandarin zéi), rendered as SV tặc but corresponding in VS to giặc; or 墓 mù as SV mộ versus VS mồ; 案 àn as VS bàn ('table') versus 盤 pán as SV bàn but VS mâm ('tray'). Other problematic cases include unexplained lexemes such as mang, bang, muong ('bamboo screen') for VS mùng ('mosquito net'), or 網 wǎng (SV võng).

In contrast, the author's approach seeks to repackage these widely cited Mon-Khmer "fundamental words" under a new Sino-Tibetan framework, viewed through the lens of Sinitic-Vietnamese correspondences. This perspective yields more consistent and positive results. It will be a formidable challenge for any scholar to produce comparanda of 400 Mon-Khmer cognates with Vietnamese that withstand scrutiny in the way these Sino-Tibetan comparisons do. Unlike the errors of earlier pioneers, any potential inaccuracies in Shafer's Sino-Tibetan data are likely minor, since most of his entries are straightforward transliterations of related sounds. The author's selective citations, moreover, are drawn directly from modern Vietnamese orthography, which reduces the margin of error.

I) Sino-Tibetan etymologies

Figure 1 – Sino-Tibetan with six divisions

Source: Robert Shafer, 1966, p.VII.

Figure 2 – Region of Sino-Tibetan languages

Source: http://upload.wikipedia.org/wikipedia/commons/8/89/Sino-tibetan_languages.png

The binary comparison method, which limits itself to pairing languages, most often Chinese with Vietnamese, or Austroasiatic (Mon-Khmer) with Vietnamese, has long been the default approach. Yet such a narrow framework is inadequate. Languages are not isolated entities; they are taxonomically interconnected across regions, continents, and even hemispheres, all within a historical continuum. A strictly binary lens cannot uncover the deeper strata of fundamental cognates and their etymological roots.

As Merritt Ruhlen (1994) demonstrated in On the Origin of Languages: Studies in Linguistic Taxonomy, broader comparative frameworks are essential. For this reason, the following sections present Sino-Tibetan etymologies in cross-language comparative listings, as modeled in the preceding chapters. Here we turn to Vietnamese vocabularies that reveal striking cognate relationships with etyma from multiple Sino-Tibetan languages across all six divisions.

The results, as the reader will see, are remarkable. They illuminate Sino-Tibetan roots embedded in deep substrata, roots that had gone unrecognized until the author began publishing this research online in the early 21st century.

The comparative listings that follow draw primarily on Robert Shafer’s Introduction to Sino-Tibetan (1966–1974, 4 volumes).

According to Shafer (1966, p. I), there are four major literary languages within the Sino-Tibetan family: Chinese, Siamese, Burmese, and Tibetan (or Bodish, from Bod (百), the native name for Tibet). Beyond these, the family encompasses more than 400 languages, which he classified into six principal divisions: Sinitic (Chinese), Daic (Thai), Bodic (Tibetan, including Old Bodish or Classical Tibetan), Burmic (Burmese, including the Kukish languages of the Indo-Burmese frontier), Baric (Bodo and related languages), and Karenic (Karen). As Shafer observed, "A third of the population of the globe speaks one or more of these languages," and "Sino-Tibetan speakers occupy an area extending from the Great Wall of China to the Malay Peninsula and from Kashmir to the Yellow Sea."

In terms of terminology, Shafer distinguished suffixes to indicate taxonomic levels: "-an" for a linguistic family, "-ic" for a major division, and "-ish" or "-ese" for subdivisions within a division. Following this convention, my use of the term Sinitic-Vietnamese is intended as a classificatory label for etymological grouping. It does not claim to establish a proven genetic connection, just as Shafer employed compound terms such as Sino-Daic or Sino-Bodic, but rather serves as a terminological device for comparative purposes.

On the question of polysyllabicity in Sino-Tibetan languages, Shafer noted that suffixes function as syllables appended to nouns, pronouns, or verbs. In some branches, such as Kukish, words were originally disyllabic or even trisyllabic in their primitive state. Methodologically, as Shafer himself explained:

"We must also take environmental phonetics into greater consideration than in most families. And this calls into question the rule – laid down by Antonine Meillet, I believe – that we must have at least three examples to rule out the possibility of accidental resemblance. But, after collecting four or five examples so that a positional equation is established, one may run across a sixth which does not strictly conform. When, as in Central Core Kurdish languages, one can often get twenty examples, one is almost certain to prove an exception. Frequently enough exceptions show up so that the environmental equation can be formulated." (p. 13)

Shafer observes that within genetically related languages, loanwords exchanged among them are often difficult to identify, whereas borrowings from unrelated languages are far easier to recognize (1966, p. 128). He further notes that a language may occasionally borrow a word it already possesses, and that many borrowings occurred so far back in time that they have since undergone regular phonetic shifts (p. 132). Although Shafer was speaking specifically of the Sino-Tibetan family, the same principle applies to the relationship between Vietnamese and Chinese. In many cases, the original Chinese forms and meanings may no longer survive, yet their etymological traces remain unmistakable. For this reason, and to avoid overburdening the listings, exceptions of this kind are excluded from the present study.

For those aligned with the Sino-Tibetan school, the following list of etymologies deserves close scrutiny. Specialists in the Mon-Khmer tradition should also take note, though many may be inclined to dismiss such evidence, as it unsettles long-held assumptions. This compilation, however, offers readers the opportunity to evaluate the Sino-Tibetan evidence directly, rather than relying solely on the older Mon-Khmer wordlists presented in the previous chapter. Ultimately, the judgment rests with the reader: whether the more than 400 items in these Sino-Tibetan listings demonstrate genuine connections to the proposed Sinitic-Vietnamese etyma, many of which, intriguingly, appear closer to Chinese itself than to other Sino-Tibetan languages.

Notes on conventions:

For the phonetic symbols used throughout this Sino-Tibetan chapter, I have attempted to align Shafer’s notations with the International Phonetic Alphabet. In doing so, some accent marks and tonal indicators have been simplified or omitted. Although these adjustments are minimal, they may inevitably introduce occasional discrepancies in transcription or reconstruction. Nevertheless, readers should still be able to recognize the phonetic forms that support the plausibility of the cognates under examination.

Cognate forms are selectively presented. Exceptions previously mentioned are excluded, since many so-called irregular forms – though genuinely cognate across a chain of dialects and languages over time and space – often appear too divergent from Vietnamese to be useful here. Their inclusion would risk distracting or confusing readers, especially those less familiar with comparative reconstruction. For the same reason, certain items may appear more than once, as their etymologies intersect multiple Sino-Tibetan divisions and branches, serving as bridges across the comparative framework.

Where appropriate, the author supplements Shafer’s Chinese forms (listed in the second column, some of which was credited to Haudricourt) with additional references. These are often slightly modified versions from Bernhard Karlgren’s Grammatica Serica on Archaic Chinese. To these I add modern Mandarin (M) pinyin, for example M diān for 顛, and provide Chinese characters in the final column. I also annotate cases where Shafer omitted relevant Chinese forms, in order to highlight Chinese-Vietnamese cognates, such as {中 zhòng} for Vietnamese trúng or {爬 pá} for bò.

For Daic forms, Shafer relied on Haudricourt’s data. Many of these are clearly cognate with Sino-Vietnamese and with portions of the Sinitic-Vietnamese etyma that are considered Chinese loans. Their Chinese equivalents are included here for clarification. This comparison reveals an important fact: the number of basic Chinese cognates in Daic languages is actually fewer than those identified in Vietnamese. This observation challenges the long-standing assumption, held by some Sinitic-Vietnamese historical linguists, that the Daic-Vietnamese correspondences originated solely from Daic. In reality, they are more plausibly explained as Chinese-Vietnamese or Old Chinese-proto-Vietic correspondences.

Accordingly, for Chinese entries originally cited by Haudricourt from the Daic division, where both Chinese and other Sino-Tibetan forms are listed side by side, the author annotates them selectively. If the cognacy is obvious, elaboration may be omitted to avoid redundancy; if clarification is needed, he re-emphasizes the etymology, even where it has already been discussed in detail elsewhere in this paper, for example,

châm	to light (fire)	**** M diǎn 點 tem-, Lao tām/ (p. 15)	**** { 點 diăn }
thẹn	be ashamed	**** M cán 慚 dzām-, OB ãdzoms (p. 15)	**** { 慚 cán }
mắng	reprimand	**** (Haudricourt) Daic Lao hmāŋ, Ahom, Tay Noir māń, Dioi mań (p. 474)	**** { 罵 mà }

For those Chinese ~ Vietnamese cognates found in Shafer's list of which the Chinese etyma are missing here, search the author's Từnguyên HánNôm for reference.

Convention: Shafer's phonetic symbols

(for a complete reference see Shafer 1966, p. IV)

		Stops		¯¯		Continuants
	?	unasp.	surd asp.	sonant	nasal	surd fric.	sonant fric.
gutturals		k	kʿ	g	ŋ	x	ɣ
palatals		tś	tśʿ	dź	ń (ŋ)	ś	ź
cerebrals		ţ	ţʿ	ɖ	ņ	ʂ	ʐ
dentals	t	t	tʿ	d	n	θ
labials	p	p	tʿ	b	m	f	v
Note: k', t'... palatalized k, t, etc. ɫ, surd l ê, â... mixed vowels approximately in the oral position of e, a, etc ʾa,ʾi... glottal opening ʔa, ʔi... aʾ, iʾ... glottal stop aʔ, iʔ, etc. e, o open e, o @ = /ɔ:/ English 'awe', Kukish @ is long ŕ (tongue tip ?) trilled r (n) a letter in parentheses indicates it is indistinctly spoken Tone marks: x/ rising; x- level, x_ low level, xˉ high level, x¯ higher than usual high level; x\ falling; x^ rising-falling (circumflex) numbers in the end of a native form, as han1, are the tones as numbered in Siamese written language (Daic xʾ = S. tone 1, ʾx = S. tone 2, ,x = S. level tone not marked in writing) Daic ń=ŋ Daic ? = glottal stop ʔ Kukish and Daic: ě, ǒ are closed; ē, ō are open r1, r2 have different phonetic developments in Kurkish languages or dialects l1, l2, l3, l4 have different phonetic reactions in Baric, X, any unaspirated surd occlusive, or an undetermined unaspirated surd occlusive, Xʿ, any aspirated occlusive, or an undetermined aspirated occlusive, ..., etc.

Table 1 - Comparative lexemes in Sinitic, Bodic, Daic, and Burmic languages

(against other Sino-Tibetan languages and dialects in all divisions and their branches)

Linguistic group names to follow after this double vertical bar || with pp. to indicate the pages where items are cited throughout Parts 1-5 in Shafer volumes 1966, 1967, 1968, 1970, 1974, respectively. || Stars rated from * to ****** are to indicate the degrees of cognateness of Vietnamese words with those of Sino-Tibetan etymologies, such as [ ****** M shì 市 źi/, Middle Burmese dźʿe\, Old Bodish rdźʿe 'barter' (p.14) || Burmish M Bur. dźʿe\, Lolo Ahi tśʿə\, Nyi kʿə\, Lolopho tśʿə¯ (p. 367) || ****** { 市 shì }" for VS "chợ". ] (It is noted that many a time there are Sino-Tibetan ~ Vietnamese cognates in the column "Tibetan etymologies" marked with ***** but in "Ratings on Chinese cognates" they are rated with only **, and vice versa, e.g., ** { 舌 shé } for V 'lưỡi' (tongue) but **** { 脷 lěi } (SV 'lợi') for VS ‘lưỡi’ \ Cant. /lei2/, are plausible. That is to say, the * to ****** for the Sino-Tibetan ~ Vietnamese vs. Chinese ~ Vietnamese cognates are rated independently.

For any Vietnamese-Chinese etyma, you can refer to Table 1 in Chapter 8 for elaboration on their etymologies.

Vietnamese	Meaning	Tibetan etymologies	* Ratings on Chinese cognates
(bồng)bế	carry	**** N. Ass. Midźu ba (N),Taying ba (N) (p. 186), E. Nyising bü (p. 194) | (Haudricourt) Daic Siamese peek, Lao ɓɛk, Shan mɛk, Tay Noir, Tay Blac ɓɛʔ, Tho bɛk (p. 494)	**** { 抱 bāo } VS 'bồng', also, VS 'bế', cf. Hainanese /boŋ2/.
(dây)leo	creeper	**** M lěi 纍 lwi/, Luśei hrui (pp. 36-39)	**** { 纍 lěi } SV 'luỹ'
(nghẹn)ngào	weep	**** VS (nức)nở ?, M áo 嗷 ńau-, OB ńus, M Bur. ńui (pp. 36-39)	**** { 嗷 áo }
(đo)đạc	measure	**** VS 'đo' | (Haudricourt) Chin. 度 dāk (M dù), Daic Lao _thāk, Tay Noir, Tay Blanc, Dioi taʔ, Tho, Nung tāk, Cao-lan, Bê kwa (p.472)	**** { 度 dù } SV 'độ'
(đầu)gối	knee	* Luśei *kʿu, Siamese kʿo_1 (p. 59)	*** { 膝蓋 xīgài } VS "gối' a contraction of VS 'đầugối'.
ai	me (I)	*** Luhupa Branch Kukish *ʾei, Phadang i, Kupome ai, Khunggoi ei3 (p. 307) | Baric Garo ańa, Bodo, Metś ań < *áńa (p. 447)	*** { 俺 ăn }
bay(bổng?)	to fly	*** Chin pǔn\, Dimasa pur, OB pʿur | VS bổng, M fàn 翻 pʿan (to fly up (of aprks)) (p. 49), OB ãpʿa-bar (p. 74) || Eastern dialects mpʿurwa (p. 111), Minor group Toţo bi, Dhimal bʿir (p.168), Norther Assam Midźu pʿyuń, Meyöl pʿöń (p. 188), Burmish O Bur. pyam, M Bur. pyam, N Bur. pyã, Megyaw, Samong pe (p. 359)	*** { 翻 fàn }
biển	sea	*** Also VS bể | M. Bur. pań-lay, Karenic *pań, Pwo pə9-lai28, Sgaw pä7-lâ7, p@7-lâ7 (pp. 416, 418)	**** { 海 hăi } SV 'hải', VS 'khơi'
bà	grandmother	***** M bǐ 妣 pyi/, OB pʿyi-mo, Kukish *pi, Luśei pi, Dimasa a-bi (p. 49)	**** { 婆 pó } is much more plausibly cognate to SV 'bà' while ( 妣 bǐ < MC piɪ < OC *piʔ, *pis } originally means 'deceased mother'
bàn	table	**** (Haudricourt) Chin. bān- 盤 (M pán), Daic Shan ʿpān, Tay Noir, Tay Blanc, Tho, Nung, Mak pān, Dioi pan (p. 476)	**** { 案 àn } is more plausibly cognate to VS 'bàn' (table, desk, altar) than to denote disk-like ojbects such as ***** { 盤 pán } SV 'bàn' for VS 'mâm' (tray, plate, disk. pan) that mostly appear in compounds such as 石盤 shípán: SV 'bànthạch' (stone panel), 磨盤 mópán: VS 'bànmài' (millstone), 秤盤 chēngpán (steelyard pan), 一盤蔡 yìpáncài: VS 'một mâmcơm' (a tray of food), 下一盤棋 xià yī pánqí: VS 'chơi một váncờ' (play a round of checker game)
bànchân	foot	*** OB bań, OB rkań-pa (leg) || E. dialects Amdo hkań-wa (p. 106), Khams rkań-pa (p. 112), W. Hima. lang. Thebor bań-kʿat (p. 133)	**** { 腳板 jiăobăn }. cf. 手板 shǒubăn: VS 'bàntay' (palm)
bánh	cake, pastry	***** M bǐng 餅 pīń/, Siamese pēń\2 (meal, flour), Lao pēń\ (cake, bread) (p. 69) | (Haudricourt) Viet. bánh, Daic Siamese ʾpeeŋ, Lao pɛń, Ahom piŋ, Shan, Tho, Nung pɛń, Mak văń, Bê ɓiń (p. 495)	****** { 餅 bǐng } SV 'bính'
báo	speech	*** VS bảo 'report, inform, announce, publish', M bào 報 pau\ (Chin. report, inform), M Bur. po, Luśei *pao, Siamese, Lao pāw_1 (divulge, announce, publish) (p. 61)	*** { 報 bào } As many V specialists, Haudricourt just tried to map the vocable /bảo/ in to /báo/. Actually, VS 'bảo' was possibly derived from 道 dào (SV đạo).
bát(ngát)	broad	**** M bó 博 pāk (Shijing 50; 771 a-c), Kukish *pāk, Luśei pak, Dimasa –ba (p. 49), Mikir arpak (p. 277)	*** { 博 bó } SV 'bác'
bít	to clog	*** (Haudricourt) Daic Tay Blanc, Tho, Dioi ɓit, Nung bet, Bê mɯt (p. 486)	**** { 蔽 bì } as in 蒙蔽 méngbì (VS 'bưngbít'). 閉 bì (SV 'bế')
bò	cow	**** OB ba, OB E. *bik || A W. Bod. Burig bā (p. 83), Groma, Śarpa bo (calf), Dangdźongskad, Lhoskad ba (p. 93), Central Bodish Lagate pa-, Spiti, Gtsang, Dbus, Ãba bʿa, Mnyamslad, Dźad pa (p. 98), other Bod. languages Rgyarong (ki)-bri, -bru (p. 120), modern Bod. dialects New Mantśati (bullock), Tśamba Lahuli (ox) bań, Rangloi bań-ƫa (bullock) (p. 130) || also Chin. 牝 byi/ (Chin. cow, female of animal), OB ãbri-mo (tame female yak) (p. 59), Minor group Toţo pik-(a), Dimal pi-(a) (p. 187), Southern Branch Kukish *b@ń, Luśei b@ń, Thado boń, Vuite -b@ń- (p. 250), E. Himalayish bʿi, Khambu pi', Lohorong, Yakhha pik (p. 330) | for 'buffalo': Luśei pă-na, Khami *mă-na, Karenic *-na-, Karenni pæ2-nä2, Pwo pə1-na6, Sgaw pə2-nə8, Bwe pa-nä2 (p. 414) | (Haudricourt) Chin. ńǔ- 牛 (M níu), Siamese ŋwă, Lao, Tay Noir ńuo, Shan, Tay Blanc ńo, Tho, Nung mɔ, Sui mo, Mak pho (p. 501)	*** { 牝 bì } SV 'bí'.
bóc	flay, peel	***** (Haudricourt) Chin. 剝 p@k (M bò) | Siamese b@@k, Ahom pwak, Shan pôk, Tho pɔʔ, Nung pɔ (p. 508)	**** {剝 bò }
bông	flower	**** OB buń, M Bur. -pwańʾ || W. C E. Himal. lang. Thulung buńʾ, Tśaurasya, Waling, Balali, Vayu buń, Rungtśh, Kiranti buń-, Limbu, Yakha pʿuń (p. 146, 147), Southern Kukish Kukish *pār, Luśei pār, Śo ba (p. 220), OK Mara p@, Tlongsai p@-, Śandu pa (p. 271), Luhupa Branch Maring, Khibu, Ukhrul pār, Khoirao pān, Empeo -pa, Tśungli -ben, Rong -bor (p. 287), Khoireng -pen (p. 324), Tśairelish Katśinish pār, Kadu pan (p. 409) | Baric Garo bal, Metś -bar, Tśutiya i-ba, Wanang par, Atong pal-wa (V 'bônghoa?), Tintikiya par, Ruga pal, Rabha par, Katśinish pan (p. 427) | (Haudricourt) Daic Siamese taak, Lao dɔk, Shan mɔk, Tay Noir, Tay Blanc bɔʔ, Nun bɔk, Dioi doʔ (p. 468)	**** { 葩 pā }
bông, búp	flower, petals	*** M pàn 瓣 băn\ (petals), Siamese pān, Kukish *pār, Luśei pār, Mikir pār (petal),M Bur. pan\, Dimasa bar, Katśin pan, ban (p. 49), OB ãba, ãba-pa (to open, bgin to bloom) (p. 74)	*** { 瓣 pàn }
búa	axe	*** M fǔ 釜 pū, M. Bur. Pū- tśʿin (p. 49)	*** { 釜 fǔ } SV 'phù'
búp	bud	**** OB mum, M Bur. (arch.), Luśei -mūm (p. 71), Tśairelish Katśinish BOm?, Kadu, Khauri a-bum (p. 412)	**** { 蓓 bǒu }
bươmbướm	butterfly	*** OB pʿye-ma-lep, M Bur. lip-pra, Luśei -pʿe-hlep || Baric Branch: Garo -pi-lip (pp. 40, 41), Southern Kukish Śo pam-ba-lāt (p. 221)	* { 蝴蝶 húdié }
bản	village	*** Also VS 'buôn' | (Haudricourt) Daic Siamese ʾpān, Lao, Tay Noir, Tay Blanc, Nung, Tho bān, Ahom, Dioi ban (p. 260)	*** { 畈 fàn } SV 'phiến', Ex. 白水畈 Baishuifan Village in Hubei, for contraction of *** { 版納 bǎnnà }, Ex. 西雙版納 Xīshuāngbǎnnà Xishuangbanna Toenship in Yunnan. cf. Modern C 寨 zhài (SV trại), ex., 壯族寨 Zhuàngzúzhài (Zhuang village) in Guangxi Province.
bầu	gourd	**** M Bur. bʿu\, Luśei būr (p. 74)	**** { 瓢 piáo }
bẩn	dirty	*** S. K. Hwalngau bāl, Śo ba (p. 220)	*** {潣 mǐn } SV 'mẫn' (contaminated water, contamination).
bận	put on clothes, wear	*** Southern Branch Kukhish *bun, Kukish bun, Luśei bun, Ralte -bn-, Śiyang būn (p. 250) || Minor groups Newari pũ (K), Tśairelish Katśingish bun, Kadu pʿun (p. 411)	**** { 披 pì } See 'mặc'
bắn	to shoot	**** Siamese, Lao pēn_, Luśei perʾ (p. 49)	**** { 放 fàng } SV 'phóng'
bắp	corn	*** N. Ass. Midźu b@ (N), Taying ma-bōl(N) (p. 186)	*** { 棒 bàng }, or contraction of *** { 包子 bāomǐ } SV 'baomễ' \ /-m ~ -p/
bắp(chân)	calf of leg	**** M bīn 臏 bin/ (knee-cap, knee, leg, mod. 腓 pái for calves), OB byin-pa (p. 68)	*** { 臏 bīn }
bằng	equal	***** (Haudricourt) Daic Siamese, Lao, Tay Blanc pān (p. 476)	****** { 平 píng } SV 'bình'
bẹp	flat	**** Also V 'biển' ~ 'bảng' (board) M biăn 扁 pen/ (flat, signboard, tablet), Siamese pēn\2, Kukish *pēr, M Bur. pyań, Diamasa –pʿer, Katśin byen, pen, Siamese, Lao pēn\2 (p. 66), Tśairelish Katśinish pʿēk, Kadu pye (p. 409)	**** { 扁 biăn }
bọ	insect	**** Chin. bǔ\ (Shijing 102 l’ – m’: ‘crawl’ = Vietnamese ‘bò’. It is interesting to see the phonetic resemblance of these two words.), M Bur. pui\, OB ãbu (p. 51), Burmish Bur. *bui\, Lolo Phumoi bo\, Nyi bu\, Ahi bö\, bu\, Lolopho bö\, Phumoi bu, Wei-ning bü (p. 368)	*** { 巴 bā } SV 'ba' (insect), ** { 匍 pú }. See 'bò' (crawl) .
bọc	to envelop	*** (Haudricourt) Siamese p@@k, Lao, Tho, Nung pɔk, Ahom pwak, Shan pôk, Tay Blanc pɔʔ (p. 508)	**** { 包 bāo }. Ex. 包起來 bāoqilái (bọclại)
bọt	bubble	**** OB sbu-ba || A W. Bob. zbw-, Burig zbal- (p. 81)	**** { 泡 pào }
bố	father	***** M fù 父 bū/ ('father, elderly relatives of the same surname, old man'), M Bur. bʿui\, Luśei pu (p. 60) | (Haudricourt) Siamese b@@ʾ, Lao phɔ, Shan, Tay Noir, Tay Blanc, Tho pɔ, Ahom, Nung, Dioi po (p. 507)	****** { 父 fù } SV 'phụ'
bồcâu	dove	***** M báigē 白鴿 < gē 鴿 kǔ- 'pigeon, turtle-dove, O Bur. *m-kʿrui\, M Bur. kʿrui, Kukish m-kʿru, S. Khami mă-kʿrui, Zumomi me-ke-du7, Tengima mě-kʿru (pp. 25-27) || Northern Assam Miśing pe-ki, Yano pü-kʿü, E. Nyising pü-kʿüü, Tagen pu-kʿu (p. 199)	**** { 白鴿 báigē }
bỗng	suddenly	*** Burmish M. Bur. pʿrut-, N. Bur. pʿyouʾ-, Lawng pyat ('fast') (p. 358)	**** { 勃 bó } cf. 勃然 bórán 'bỗngnhiên' ~ 'bỗngdưng' (out of a sudden)
bộp	hit, strike	**** M pú 撲 pʿok, OB pʿog (p. 70)	**** { 撲 pú }
bột	flour	**** OB pʿye || A W. Bod. Sbalti -pʿe, Burig -pʿe (p. 82)	**** { 粉 fěn }. See 'bụi'
bụi	dust	**** Kukish *pʿut, Luśei pʿut, M Bur. pʿut, OB bud (p.46)	*** { 粉 fěn }. cf. VS 'bột' (flour), 'bún' (noodle)
bụng	belly, stomach	***** M fú 腹 puk, Siamese, Lao pūm\, Kukish *p@, *puk, Luśei p@, pum, *puk, M Bur. -puik, wam\-puik, Dimasa bik-ma (p. 49), OB pʿo-ba, ze-bug, (p. 69) || OT Bob. lang. Gurung, Muri pʿo, Thaksya pʿo4 (p. 124), Southern Kukish Śo a-bu(ə)n (p. 221),Old Kukish Haka p@, Tlongsai peu (p. 269), Burmish Lolo poń, Akha po¯ (p. 374)	**** ( 腹 fú } SV 'phục'.
bứt	pull out weeds	**** OB pʿut (pf.) || OT Bod. lang. Tsangla pʿut (p. 118)	**** { 拔 bá }
bự, bà	large, female	*** C. Br. Kukish *pui, Luśei pui, Haka pi, Śonśe, Bandźogi -pi (p. 234), S. Br. (also 'female') Thado -pí, Śiyang -pui, Vuite pi (p. 249)	*** { 婆 pó } (woman) For the gloss 'large', VS 'bự' { 丕 pī } (SV 'phi')
cam	orange	**** (Haudricourt) Chin. kām 柑 (M gān), Daic *kām, Tay Blanc, Tho, Nung kām, Dioi kam (p. 477)	***** { 柑 gān }
chua	sour	**** M suān 酸 suān-, Kukish *tʿar\, Kanauri sur-, Luśei tʿar (p. 52) || OB sur- (Rodong), Luśei tʿur (p. 74) || Also OB skyur-po, Archaic West Bodish dialects Sbalti, Burig skyur-, West Central and East Himalayish Bahing, Thulung dźyur-, Dumi, Khulung -dźur, Vayu dźu- (p. 144)	**** { 酸 suān }
chuột	rat, mouse	**** Luhupa Branch Kukish **b-yu\, Luśei zu, Maring yu-, Phalang ma-su3, Kipome ma-dźeu, Kwoireng tă-dźa, Empeo -zu (p. 305) | Baric Namsangia dźu-pu, Banpara źu, zu, yu (p. 428) | (Haudricourt) Chin ʾtsǐ 子 (M zǐ), 'Year of the Rat' Lao, Tay Blanc ʾtśəɯ, Dioi śaw (pp. 524, 525)	****** { 鼠 shǔ }. See also 'sóc' (squirrel)
chàm	indigo	**** M lán 藍 lām-, OB rams, Siamese grām (p. 72) | (Haudricourt) Viet. 'chàm', Daic Lao khām, Shan, Nung kham (p. 260), Mak, Li lām (p. 477)	**** { 藍 lán } SV 'lam'
cháu	nephew	*** M zhí 姪, Kukish *tʿu, Luśei, M Bur. tu, Dimasa du- (p. 48)	**** { 姪, 侄 zhí } for VS 'cháu'.
châm	to light (fire)	**** M diăn 點 tem-, Lao tām/ (p. 15)	**** { 點 diăn } SV 'điểm'
chânmày	eyebrow	**** W. Himal. lang. Thebor mik-tśam (also 'eyelashes'), Kanauri mik-tsam (p. 140)	**** { 眉梢 méishāo }. Also, 眉尖 méijiān.
chèo	row	**** (Haudricourt) Chin. dʿău\ 棹 (M zhuó), Viet. 'chèo', Daic Siamese tśew, Lao, Tay Blanc. Tho _tśew (p. 497)	**** { 棹 zhuó } SV 'trảo'.
chì	lead	**** (Haudricourt) Viet. 'chì', Siamese dzǐn, Lao, Shan sɯn, Tay Blanc, Tay Noir tsɯm, Nung tśɯn, Dioi śen (p. 514)	*** { 鉛 qiān, yán }
chí, chấy	louse	**** OB śig || W. Himal. lang. Kukish hrig, Bunan śrig, Thebor śi, Kanauri rik (p. 135) | Baric Garo tik, Dimasa tʿi-pu, tʿi-ku, Mośang tik, Tipora mok-ol, Bodo meg-an (p. 445)	**** { 蝨 shī }, also, **** { 虱 shī }.
chích	to bite	**** M zhí 蟄 śīk, OB tśig (Kanauri), Siamese tśǐk_ (p. 66)	**** { 蟄 zhí }
chín	ripe	** Baric Namsangia tśum, Muthun, Banpara dźum, Lulung yim, Angwanku e-dźim, Tśang săm- (p. 448)	** { 熟 shú, also, VS 'rục' }
chó	dog	**** Burmish Bur. *kʿwi\, M Bur. kʿwe\, Lolo Phumoi, Akha kʿu\, Nyi, Lolopho tśʿə\ (p. 366)	**** { 狗 gǒu }
chúa	master	***** (Haudricourt) Chin. 主 tśu (M zhǔ), Viet. 'chúa', Siamese ʾtśau, Lao, Tay Noir, Tay Blanc, Ahom, Tho, Nung, tśaw, Shan, Dioi săw (p. 522)	****** { 主 tśu zhǔ } SV 'chủ'
chơi	play	*** Luhupa Branch Kukish *tśai, Luśei tśai, Hlota tśa- (p. 310)	**** { 耍 shuă }, as in '玩耍 wánshuă' }
chất	heap together	**** M zú 族 dzok [?] (to collect together), OB ãdzog-pa(p. 70)	**** { 簇 cù } SV 'thốc'. This 族 zú is the prior form of 簇 cù that was meant by both authors, Haudrucourt and Shafer.
chết	die	** (Haudricourt) Daic Siamese grak, Lao, Shan khok, Tay Noir, Tay Blanc tśok (p. 260)	*** { 死 sǐ } SV 'tử'. { 逝 shì }SV 'thệ'
chỉ	finger; point at	**** M zhǐ 指 tśi/, Siamese dźi2 (p. 59)	***** { 指 zhǐ } as in 'chỉchỏ', hence, VS 'trỏ'
chị	elder sister	**** M zǐ 姊 tsi/, OB ʾa-tśʿe, Katśin tśet ? (p. 52) | 'man's sister' Luhupa Branch Kukish *far, Luśei, Maring tśar, Ukhrul -tsar, Kupome -dźa-, Maram -ti-, Kwoireng -tan- (p. 324)	****** { 姊 zǐ }. cf. 姐 jiě is (SV 'thơ', 'thư', VS 'chế') common in use in modern Mandarin, though. For 姊 zǐ, SV 'tỉ' but mostly obsolete.
chịu	endure	***** (Haudricourt) Viet. chịu, Chin. ʿźiəu 受 (M shòu), Daic *dźiw, Lao, Tay Blanc tśiu, Tay Noir, Nung -'tśiu (p. 487)	**** { 受 shòu }
chọn	choose	**** (Haudricourt) *xr@@ŋ, Siamese k@@ŋ, Lao, Tay Noir, Shan khɔń, Ahom khwraŋ, Tay Blanc qhɔń (p. 509)	*** { 選 xuăn }
chợ	market	****** M shì 市 źi/, Middle Burmese dźʿe\, Old Bodish rdźʿe 'barter' (p.14) || Burmish M Bur. dźʿe\, Lolo Ahi tśʿə\, Nyi kʿə\, Lolopho tśʿə¯ (p. 367)	****** { 市 shì } SV 'thị'
chữ	letters	***** (Haudricourt) Chin. 字 dzǐ\, dʒi (M zì), Siamese sǐ, Lao, Tay Noir sɯ, Tho tsɯ, Dioi sɯ (p. 513)	****** { 字 zì }
cong	crooked	**** M Bur. kwań\, OB koń (p.46), Old Kukish Kuki *-koi, Luśei koi, Biate koi (p. 255), Meithlei -kʿoi- (p. 282) | Baric Dimasa goń, Garo goń-, Namsangia -kuań (p 427)	**** { 弓 gōng } SV 'cung' (also, 'bow')
cuốc	dig a hole, hoe	**** M chú 鋤 ɖʐǒ- (to hoe, excavate), Luśei tśo (Dimasa dźao) (p. 61) | (Haudricourt) Viet. cuốc, *kw@k, Tay Noir kuoʔ, Tho, Nung, Bê kuok, Sui kwak, Mak kūk, Li thaw (p. 502)	**** { 鋤 chú }
cuộn	to coil	**** Also VS cuốn 'roll', M juān 卷, 捲 kwīn (roll, scroll, roll up), OB bsgril (to wind), M Bur. kʿwe, Luśei kual (p. 75)	**** { 卷 juān }
cà	aubergine	**** (Haudricourt) Viet. 'cà', Chin. 茄 gă- (M qié), Siamese khǐe, Lao khɯə, Shan, Tay Blanc khə, Dioi _kuə, Mak kə (p. 515)	****** { 茄 qié }
cành	branch, fork	*** M gé 格 *kāk, M Bur. kʿak (p. 72), Luhupa Branch Kukish *kāk, Luśei kāk, Zumoni -kü-ba (p. 320) | Kukish kāk, Baric Mośang -kāk, Ka. lă-ga (p. 444)	**** { 格 gé } (cf. 胳 gé: VS 'cánh' )
càocào	grasshopper	* Luhupa Branch Kukish *kʿau, Luśei kʿao, Ukhrul kʿaǒ, Imemai kʿ-to-zê, Zumoni tʿla-ku (p. 312)	*** { 蚱蜢 zhàměng }
cày	plow	*** Siamese tʿai/, M Bur. tʿay, Katśin tʿai(p.45)	*** { 耜 sì }
cá	fish	**** M yú 魚 ńǒ-, OB nya, < *ńya, M. Bur. ńa\, Luśei ńa\ | cf. Luhupa Branch (p. 288): Ukrul, Phadang, Khoirao, Kabui kʿai, Kupome, Khunggoi, N. Luhupa kʿi, Maram, Dayang –ka, Kwoireng -kʿa, Kabui kʿa (Go), Empeo, Zumoni -kʿa, Imemai -kʿ@ (pp. 36-39), Luhupa Branch Kukish *kʿai, Ukhrul, Phadang, kʿai, Tśanmphung -kʿai, Kupome, Khunggoi, N. Luhupa kʿi, Kabui -ka, Imemai -kʿ@, Zumoni -kʿa (p. 288), Ukhrul, Phadang kʿai, Kupome, Khunggoi kʿi (p. 309)	**** { 魚 yú } SV 'ngư'. (See previous chapter for the etymology of 'cá'.)
cánh	wing	*** N. Assam Midźu kloń (M), Meyöl (p. 185) | Baric Garo grań, Tipora -kra (feather), Metś grań, Dimasa -gă-rań (feather), Wanang ka-rań, Mośang wu-roń, Banpara rań (p 428)	** { 胳 gé }
cân	weigh	***** M jīn 斤, M Bur. kʿyin, Luśei kʿīn (p. 68)	***** { 斤 jīn }, also, means weight unit a 'catty'.
câu	hook	**** M jìu丩kǔ-, OB kyu (p. 59) | 'fishhook' OK Kukish *ar-t?-kuai, Luśei -kuai, Mara kei (p. 269)	***** { 鉤 gōu } SV 'câu'
cây	tree, trunk	*** Kunkish *kūń, Luśei kūń, M Bur. ă-kuiń\ (p.46) | Central Branch Haka kūń, Kapwi kūn (p. 242)	*** { 棵 kē, kuăn } (SV 'khoả' and 'khoản') might be associated with both concepts 'tree, trunk': M 棵 kē, kuăn < MC ko < OC *kwo.
cãi	quarrel	*** OK Kuki *kalʾ, Luśei kalʾ, Anal kal- (p 257)	*** { 吵 chăo } Possibly contraction of VS 'cãicọ' { 吵架 chăojià }
cóc	frog, toad, pipa	**** M hā 蛤 kāp, Siamese k@p- (p. 67) | OK Kuki *Prok, Luśei, Lamgang -ţok, Tarao -tok (pp. 262-262) | (Haudricourt) Siamese k@p, Lao, Shan, Tay Noir, Tay Blanc, Tho, Nung, Dioi kop, Mak kwăp (p. 506)	**** { 蛤 hā } SV 'cáp' (toad). cf. 'nhái' 蛙 wa: SV 'oa' (frog)
cùi(chỏ), khuỷu	elbow	*** M jū 矩 kū/, Kukish *ku, Luśei kiu, O Bod kʿyu (p.46)	** { 矩 jū } SV 'cự' (carpenter's square). Cf. *** { 肘 zhǒu } (SV 'trừu'): plausibly VS 'khuỷ' (elbow), M 肘 zhǒu < MC ʈəw < OC *truʔ, *triwʔ, ex. 手肘 shǒuzhǒu: VS 'cùichỏ' and 'khuỷutay' (elbow).
cùng	together	*** Kukish M-kʿ@m || N. Ass. Miśing kum (p. 204)	*** { 共 gòng } SV 'cộng'. Also, *** { 同 tóng } SV 'đồng'
cú	owl	**** VS cũ 'old', M jìu 舊 gǔ\ (Chin. modern 'old', it is interesting see the phonetic resemblance in both words.), M Bur. ku, Luśei *ku, Siamese, Lao go^ (p. 60) | Baric Garo, Bodo, Metś, Tipora, Dimasa, Namsangia -kʿudu (p. 427) || other Bod. languages Rgyarong -kʿu (p. 120) | Baric Tipora, Bodo, Metś -kʿu (p. 441)	**** { 舊 jìu } SV 'cựu', also, 'cũ' (inanimate - old)
cúi	bend down	**** OK Kukish *kūr, Luśei kūr, Mikir kur (p. 278)	*** { 局 jú } SV 'cục'
cũ	old	**** (Haudricourt) K. gịəuʾ, S. gǔ\ 舊 (M jìu), Siamese kauʾ, Lao, Tay Noir, Tay Blanc, Shan, Tho, Nung, Dioi kăw, Ahom kaw, Bê kaw (p. 522)	****** { 舊 jìu } Also, VS 'cú' (owl). Cant. /kâw2/
cũng	also	*** (Haudricourt) Siamese k@, Lao kɔ, Shan, Tay Noir, Ahom ko (p. 507)	*** { 共 gòng } cf. 共同 gòngtóng: VS 'cùngchung' (altogether)
cơm	food, cooked rice	*** Burmish Bur. *tśa-, M Bur. tśa, Lolo Nyi tsa-, Ahi tso- (p. 366)	*** { 膳 shān } Cf. 餐 cān (SV xán), 飯 fàn (SV 'phạn', VS bữa 'meal')
cải	mustard	**** (Haudricourt) Chin. 芥 kaiʾ < *kāts? (M jiè), Daic Siamese, Lao, Shan, Tay Noir, Tay Blanc, Tho, Nung kāt, Dioi kat, Sui qāt, Mak kāt (p. 475)	**** { 芥 jiè }
cầm	hold	**** (Haudricourt) Daic Siamese krām, Lao, Shan, Tay Noir, Tay Blanc kăm, Nung kam, Sui ʔñăm, Mak ñăm (p. 482)	***** { 擒 qín }
cần	pole	**** SV 'cán' | (Haudricourt) Chin. 杆 kān (M gàn), Daic Siamese ʾkān, Lao, Shan, Tay Noir, Tho, Nung kăn (p. 475)	**** { 杆 gàn } SV 'cán'
cậu	uncle	***** M jìu 舅 gǔ/, OB kʿu-bo, M Bur. *kʿu (p. 60), Luhupa Branch Tśungli, Mongsen, Tśangki -kʿu, Rong -ku2 (p. 306)	****** { 舅 jìu } SV 'cữu'
cắn	bite	**** O Bur. *m-kei3, Ukhrul -mă-kei, Khadang n-ki, Khunggoi ma-ka-, kabu kai-, Maram ma-ke, Luhupa Branch Kukish *t-kei, Luśei keiʾ, Maring kă-mei, Phadang -n-ki-, Khunggoi ma-ka-, Maram ma-ke-, Kwoireng ma-ki, Kabui kai-, Khoirao n-kei-, Empeo n-ki (p. 308) | Baric Wanang, Atong kak-, Tingtikiya kań-(na), Ruga, Rabha kak-, (p. 427) Mośang kok, Namsangia kak- (p. 444)	**** { 啃 kěn }
cắp	steal	*** OB rku, Burmese kʿui\, Baric Mosang a-gu, Namsangia hu-, Angwangku ku, Tśang kok (p. 428)	*** { 竊 qiè }
cắt	cut	**** OB btśad || OT Bod. lang. Tsangla tśa (p. 117) | (Haudricourt) Daic Siamese, Lao, Ahom, Shan, Tay noir, Tay blanc, Dioi, Mak kăt, Li hăt (p. 456). Also, SV cát, Chin. kat 割 (M gé) Daic *geet, Lao khɛt, Ahom kit, Shan, Nung kɛt (pp. 496, 480)	****** { 割 gé } SV 'cát'
cằm	chin	**** Luśei kʿa, Karenic *kʿa\, Pwo kʿə28-lə1, Sgaw kʿə7, Bwe kʿä2 (p. 414) | Baric Dimasa kʾu-sga, Namsangia kaʾ, Banbara ka (jaw), Tśang kau-śań (p 427)	**** { 頷 hàn }
cằm	chin, jaw	*** M jiá 頰 kep, | OB mgal, O Bur. *m-kʿa, Panku (le) kʿa,Biate (St) ma-kʿa, lamgang ba-kʿa (pp.25-27), Kukish *m-kʿa, Luśei kʿa, Dimasa /-ska, Katśin n-kʿa, Siamse, Lao kēm\2 (p.44) || A W. Bod. Sbalti -gal (p. 81), Old Kukish Meithlei kʿa- (p. 280), Luhupa Branch Ukhrul mă-kʿa, Maram ma-kʿo, Kabui ku-, Khoirao ka- (p. 301)	**** { 頷 hán } (SV 'hàm'): VS 'cằm', 'hàm' (jaw, chin). Modern M 頰 jiá denotes 'cheeks (VS 'gò(má)' ~ M 面頰 miànjiá.
cẳng	foot, leg	**** VS 'chân', 'chơn', OB rkań || A W. Bod. Sbalti rkań 'origin', skań 'shin' (p. 79), Southern Bodish Dangdźongskad, Lhoskad, Śarpa kań- (p. 90), Eastern dialects Amdo rkań-wa (p. 105), Southern Kukish: Kukish *-kʿoń, Śo kʿon (p. 221), Old Kukish Luśei kʿoń, Meithlei kʿōń (p. 284), all other Old Kukish languages show the articulation of /ke/ (p. 253), Burmish Bur. *kʿri, M Bur. kʿre, Lolo Phumoi kʿu, Akha kʿu\, Ahi kʿi-, Nyi, Lolopho tśʿə-, Chöko tś (p. 366), Tśairelish Katśinish kʿoń/, Kadu lă-goń (p. 412) || OB rkań-pa, Karenic *kʾań, Karenni mä, Pwo kʾə9, Sgaw kʾ@7, Taungthu kań, Yinbaw kańn\, Taungyi -kʾań1, Thaton kʾań3 (pp. 418, 419) | (Haudricourt) Daic Siamese ʾkheeŋ, Lao khɛń, Shan, Tho kɛń, Tay blanc qhɛń, Dioi hɛń (p. 495)	**** { 脛 jìng }, cf. 足 zú (VS chân) 'foot', 腳 jiăo (VS 'giò') 'leg'
cặt	penis	** OB mdźe- || A W. Bob. Sbalti dźe- (p. 81)	**** { 鳩 jīu }, also, dialectal forms: *** { 龜 guī }, *** { 屌 diăo }, etc. }
cọp	tiger	**** Old Burmese t-kei, Middle Burmese kya\ < *kla < *kī-la, Luśei -kei, Tśiru ă-kei, Mara tśa-kei, Meithlei kei, Mikir te-ke (pp.22-23), Southern Branch Kukish *t-kei, Luśei keiʾ, Thado -kei, Śiyang, Vuite kei (p. 248), Old Kukish Tśiru -kei, Amol ă-kei, Purum kei, Hrangkhol -gei, Hallam -ǐkei (p. 253), Old Kukish Mara tśa-kei, Tlongsai, Hawthai, Zotung kei (p. 268), Khami tă-kei, Mikir ta-ke (p. 277), Karenic Pwo -kʿē38_, Sgaw kʿē2, Bwe kʿe (p.416)	**** { 虎 hǔ }. See 甝 hán: VS 'hùm'
cỏ	grass	*** OB stswa || A W. Bod. Sbalti rtswa, Burig śtsoa (p. 79)	**** { 草 căo }
cồng	drum	**** OK Kuki *kʿuań, Luśei kʿuań, Tśiru, Lamgang kʿoń, Aimol kʿūwoń, Langrong -kʿ@ń, Hrangkhol kʿoń-, Kolhreng kʿūwoń, Kom kʿan (p. 260)	**** { 鼓 gǔ } SV 'cổ'
cổ	throat	*** OB lkog-ma || A W. Bod. Sbalti rkox | Karenic *gok, Pwo kʿǒʾ1, Sgaw kǒ4 (p. 417)	**** { 喉 hóu }
cột	bind, tie	**** N. Ass. Midźu kid3 (M), Meyöl kid3 (p. 185), Tśairelish Katśinish kʿit, Kadu git (p. 410)	**** { 結 jié } SV 'kết'
cụ	headman	**** Also VS gộc ?, SV cự, M jǔ 巨 gǒ/ (Chin. 'large, great, chief'; Chin. Śan kʿuiw1 'be great, large in bulk, size; be proud, self important'), OB ãgo, Siamese, Lao go^2 (beginning, origin, cause) (p. 61)	*** { 巨 jǔ }, for **** { 考 kăo } SV 'khảo'
củ	potato	*** OB skyi-ba || W. C E. Himal. lang. Dumi ki 'yam', Kulung kʿe, Rodong -ki, Kiranti, Waling -kʿi, Balali kʿu, Limbu, Yakkha kʿe (p. 152)	*** { 薯 shǔ }
cứng	hard	*** M qiáng 強 găń/, Kukish *krań ?, Ka. Greń, OB m-kʿrań (p. 65) || Also: 'firm, solid': M jiān 堅 ken-, Siamese kēn_1 (p.46) | Southern Kukish Śo kāń (p. 221)	**** { 強 qiáng, qiăng } SV 'cường' (strong), 'cưỡng' (reluctant). cf. **** { 僵 jiāng } (SV cương)
cứt	dung, feces, excrement	*** M shǐ 屎 tśi, OB ltśi-ba (p. 59), skyi-bskyis, Siamese kʿī\2, M. Bur. kʿye\, Dimaras kʿi, Katśin kʿyi (p.44), Burmish Bur. *kʿyi\, Lolo Ahi kʿi\, Nyi tśʿə\, Lolopho tśʿə¯ (p. 366) | Karenic Sgaw kʾī2- (p. 421)	**** { shǐ 屎 }
cừu	goat	**** V. trừu 'sheep', OK Kuki *kēl, Luśei kēl, Tśiru, Purum, Lnagong kel, Kom ke (p. 259), Luhupa Branch Maring, Ukhrul yaǒ (p. 312)	*** { 羭 yú }, (SV du) for VS 'trừu' (sheep) while *** { 羔 gāo }, possibly VS 'cừu'.
cử, kỵ	fear	**** M jì 忌 gyi\, Kukish *kri, M Bur. kre\ (p.46) || Luhupa Branch Longla kʿi-, Holta kʿyu (p. 305)	**** { 忌 jì }. (See also VS 'sợ', 'dè' )
cửa	door	**** OB sgo || A W. Bob. zgo, Burig zgō (p. 81), Eastern dialect sgo (p. 111), Minor groups Kukish kʿār, Newari kʿā, Burmish M Bur. kʿa\, (p. 384), Lolo Lisu kʿa (p. 384)	**** { 戶 hù } SV 'hộ'.
dao	knife	***** (Haudricourt) Viet. 'dao', Chin. tao- 刀 (M dāo), Tay Noir, Tay Blanc, Tho tāw, Dioi taw (pp. 523, 524)	****** { 刀 dāo } SV 'đao'
dài	long	*** (Haudricourt) Siamese, Ahom, Shan, Tay Noir yāw, Lao ñāw, (p. 524)	*** { 長 cháng }
dày	thick	*** OK Kukish *tʿsaʾ, Luśei tʿsaʾ, Mara tʿsa (p. 266) | Baric Namsangia -tat (fat), Angwanku dʒei, Phom dʒet (p. 448)	*** { 厚 hòu }
dám	gall, courage	**** M dăn 膽 tăm-, Siamese, Lao tām\ (p. 72) | (Haudricourt) Viet. dám, Daic *ʔyāmʾ2, Tay Noir -yāmʾ, Tay Blanc yām (p. 478)	**** { 膽 dăn } SV 'đảm'. See 'dạn'
dè	fear	*** Also 'sợ'. (See also cử, kỵ) Luhupa Branch Kukish *kri, Luśei ţi, Maring, Khunggoi, Mongsen tśi-, Ukhrul ńă-tśi, Phadang n-dźé, Tśangki tsắ- (p. 290), Tśungli -tso, Mongsen tsi-, also Tśangki tsê- (p. 305)	**** { 懼 jù }
dê	goat, wild goat	***** M yáng 羊 ịań || Burmish Lolo Nyi źo/, Ahi źu-, Lolopho ya/ (373), also O Bur. *-it, M Bur. tśʿit, Lolo Phumoi tsut, Akha tśʿi, Ulu tśʿyi (p. 372), OK Kukish *M-ya, Luśei, Mara sa-ya, Tlongsai s@-z@ (p. 266), also Kukish *yau, Meithlei yao (sheep) (p. 282), Kukish *me, Luśei me, Śandu mya (p. 269), Luhupa Branch Maram mi, Kwoireng, Khoirao -ka-mi (p. 307)	**** { 羊 yáng } SV 'dương', Tchiewchow /yẽw/. For Kukish *yau, Meithlei yao (sheep), compare SV 'mùi' wèi 未 (SV vị) as in the 12 animal Zodiac table)
dòm	stare	*** Viet. also 'nhòm', (Haudricourt) Tay Noir, Nung, Dioi yɔm, Tho, Tay Blanc ñɔm (p. 512)	*** { 望 wàng }, possibly 'ngóng'. Also, 瞻 zhān: SV 'chiêm'
dòng	water course	**** OK Kukish *duń, Luśei duń, Mikir doń (p. 278)	**** { 湧 yǒng }
dưa	melon	**** (Haudricourt) Chin. 瓜 guă (M guā), Daic Siamese, Cao-lan, Mak, Bê kwa (p.472)	**** { 瓜 guā }
dưới	under	*** (Haudricourt) Viet. 'dưới', Chin. tăi/ 底 (M dǐ) (?), Siamese ʾtaǐ, Lao, Shan, Tay Blanc, Tho, Nung, Tay Noir təɯ, Ahom taü, Dioi taɯ, Li thəɯ (p. 525) | OK Kuki *tʿaui, Luśei tʿaui-a, Tśiru tʿ@ị, Aimol tʿoy-a2, Purum -tʿūy-a, Hallam tʿoy-a (p. 253)	*** { 底 dì } SV đế, also, **** VS 'đáy' (bottom). For VS 'dưới', it fits into the sound change pattern /đ-/ ~ /j-/, ex. /đáy/ ~ /dưới/
dạn	brave	*** (Haudricourt) Daic *ŋhān, Siamese hān, Lao, Shan, Tay Noir hān (p. 476)	**** { 敢 găn } SV 'cảm'. See 'dám' (daring).
dẫn	lead, take by hands	***** (Haudricourt) Daic Siamese, Ahom tśuŋ, Lao, Tay Noir, Tay Blanc, Tho, Nung tśuń, Shan suń (p. 489) || Burmish Lolo tsiń\, Ahi tsań\ (p. 374)	***** { 引 yǐn }
dậy	stand up	*** Burmish O. Bur. ryap, M Bur. rap, N. Bur. yaʾ, Arak. yatʾ, Tavoy yat, Letśi, Tsaiwa yap (p. 359)	**** { 起 qǐ }. Also, 'dạy'
dệt	weave	*** Burmish O. Bur. rak, M. Bur. rak, N. Bur. yeʾ, Intha yak, Danu yet, Tavoy yit (p. 346), Lolo Ahi ye\, Nyi ie-, Lolopho yi (p.370)	**** { 織 zhí }
dứt	finish	*** (Haudricourt) Daic Siamese, Lao, Ahom, Tay Blanc sut, Shan shut, Dioi sat (p. 490)	*** { 止 zhǐ } SV 'chỉ'
eo	waist, loins, middle part	***** M yāo 腰 ịau-, Siamese ěw, Lao ěw/ (p. 64) | (Haudricourt) Daic Siamese ʔeew, Lao, Tay Blanc ɛw (pp. 497, 498)	**** { 腰 yāo } SV 'yêu'.
gai	thorn	** Burmish Bur. *tś(ʿ)o\, M Bur. tśʿu, Lolo Lolopho tśu (p.369)	**** { 莿 cì }
gang	iron core	***** (Haudricourt) Viet. 'gang', Chin. 鋼 kāng (M gāng), Daic *khāŋ, Lao, Tay Noir, Nung khāń, Tho qhāń, Dioi hāń, Mak kāń (p.473)	**** { 鋼 gāng }
ghẹ	crab	**** M xié 蟹 ɣeyi/ (366: Li-chi 861-d), Siamese gey (small prawns), (p. 63) Kukish t ?-ɣai (p. 200) || Northern Assam Miśing ta-ke, Yano ta-tśie (p. 200), Old Kukish Luśei ai, Mara tśa-ia (< *t-ai) Kami tă-ai, Mikir tśe-he (p. 277)	**** { 蟹 xié }. Also, 'cua' (crab)
ghế, kỷ	seat	**** M jì 几 kyi/, OB kʿri (p.46)	**** { 几 jì } SV 'kỷ', ex. 長几 chángjì SV 'trườngkỷ' (bench). cf. 椅 yí: VS 'ghế' (chair)
già	grow old	**** M qí 耆 gyi-, OB bgres, M Bur. kri\ (p. 61), as 'old, aged' OB rmo, rmos || A W. Bob. Sbalti rgas-, Burig rgas- (p. 80)	**** { 耆 qí }
giêng	first month	**** M zhèng 正 śīń, Lao tśyəń (tśień) (p. 69) | (Haudricourt) Viet. giêng, Chin. tśiń-, Daic *tśīyeń, Lao tśīeń, Shan seŋ, Tay Noir, Tho tśieŋ, Tay Blanc tśeŋ, Dioi śień, Mak śīń (p. 499)	**** { 正 zhèng } as in 'thánggiêng' for 正月 zhèngyuè (used to indicate the first month of the calendar and now includes Julian calendar. Also, it could be 元 yuán as both appear with 月 yuè in the same context. }
gió	wind	*** OB rdzi || A W. Bod. Ladwags zi (p. 86), Luhupa Kukish t-k-?-kʿli, Luśei tʿli,Tengima -kʿra (p. 292)	**** { 風 fēng }, also, VS 'giông' }
giông	wind	**** M fēng 風 puń-, O Bur. *m-puń, Hlota m-poń, Tśungli mo-puń, Tengsa mă-puń, Yatśam mo-puń (pp. 25-27), Luhupa Branch Kukish *m-puń, Mongsen m-uń (p. 318)	**** { 風 fēng }, also VS 'gió'.
giấy	paper	**** (Haudricourt) Viet. thêu (?), Daic *ʿtśīye, Lao tśīye, Shan shew, Tay Blanc, Tho, Nung, Dioi sew (p. 498)	**** { 紙 zhǐ } SV 'chỉ'.
giặc	enemy	***** (Haudricourt) Viet. 'tặc', Chin. 賊 dzək (M zéi), Siamese sǐk, Lao, Tay Blanc, Tay Noir, Tho sək, Shan shuk, Nung śək, Dioi śak(p. 514)	**** { 賊 zéi } SV 'tặc'
giời	sun	*** Also: 'trời', 'ngày' (day) | OB nyi-, M rì 日 nyit < *nyit-á < *nyi'-ta (p.76) || Also, OB nyin, E. dialect Dwags nyen-te (p. 114), Old Kukish *k?-ni, Luśei, Meithlei ni (p. 280), Burmish Bur. *ńi-, M Bur. neʾ, Lolo Ahi, Lolopho ńi, Chöko ńi, Ahi ńi-, Weining ńi, Phumoi ne¯, Akha nẵ¯, Ulu nie (p. 366) | (day) Baric Bodo -ni, Metś -nai, Dimasa, Tśutisa, Atong, Wanang, Ruga, Kontś, Mośang -ni, Namsingia -ńyi, Muthun, Mulung -nyi, -ni, Tśang nyet (p. 428)	**** { 日 rì } for VS 'giời'. cf. 月 yuè ~ 'giăng' ~ 'trăng' (moon) ~ 'tháng' (month)
guốc	sabot	*** (Haudricourt) Daic Tho, Dioi kip, Wou-ming klip, Sui ʔdyāp, Mak zip, Bê zyap, Li lap (p. 487)	*** { 屐 jī }
gà	chicken	***** (Haudricourt) 雞 kăi- (M jī), Viet. 'gà', Siamese kwai, Lao, Shan, Tay Blanc kwăy, Laqua khay, Lati ka (p. 520)	**** { 雞 jī }
gò	hill, mound	*** M qīu 丘 kʿu, M xū 虛 kʿǒ-, Siamese kʿo/ (p.44) | M. Bur. ko, Luśei ko, Karenic *kʿo\, Pwo kʿo28 (p. 416)	**** { 丘 qīu }, also, *** { 虛 xū } ( SV hư)
góp, gọp	gather	*** SV tụ, M jǔ 聚 dzū/\, còu 湊 tsʿu\ (to collect, to assemble), M Bur. tśǔ (p. 60)	**** { 湊 còu } SV 'tấu', (M 湊 còu < MC chow < OC *sho:s ), for *** { 聚 jǔ } SV 'tụ'
gạo	rice	*** M gǔ 穀 kok (grain, cereals) (p. 70), Kukish *kOk ?, M Bur. kok, Katśin -gu (p.46), Luhupa Branch Rengma -ko, Tengima -ko (p. 322) | Note: 穀 gǔ SV 'cốc' (cereals), 'gạo': 稻 dào. See 'luá' (unhusked rice). }	** { 穀 gǔ } SV 'cốc'
gấu	bear	*** OB d-om, Bur. wam, Luśei vom, K. *Xwom (X is a guttural of unknown type), Mikir tʿo-wām (St.), Rawang tʿǒ-gǒyām, (i.e. tʿǒ-gǒām), Rgyarong (ti-)-gom (p. 19)	*** { 熊 xiōng }. See Starostin's elaboration on this etymon in previous section }.
gừng	ginger	***** (Haudricourt) Viet. gừng, Chin. kiang 薑 (M jiāng), Daic Siamese, Ahom khiŋ, Lao, Shan, Tho, Nung, Tay Noir khiń, Tay Blanc qhiń, Dioi hiń, Li khuəń (p. 482)	****** { 薑 jiāng }
hay	know	*** Luhupa Branch Kukish *tʿeiʾ, Luśei tʿei-?, Kabui tai- (p. 308)	**** { 知 zhī }, cf. Hainanese /taj1/ }
heo	pig	**** (Haudricourt) Chin. ʿgâi 亥 (M hài), 'Year of the Boar' Lao ʾ_kəɯ, Tay Blanc kəɯ, Dioi kaw, Mak həy (pp. 524, 525)	**** { 亥 hài }. cf. 'lợn' **** 豘 tún: SV 'độn' (pig)
ho	cough	*** M ké 咳 kʿayi\, Luśei kʿuʾ (p.76), Dimasa kusu (p.44) || Central Kukish Kukish *m-r-kʿus, Kapwi kʿu (p. 242), Southern Branch Thado Thado kʿu, Śiyang kʿu (p. 251)	**** { 咳 ké }, Also, VS 'khạc' (spit)
hong	to roast	**** M hōng 灴 xong-, Siamese /hǔń/ (pp. 42-43)	**** { 灴 hōng }, also, VS 'hơ', plausibly 'nung'.
hàn	solder	***** OK Kukish *hār, Luśei hār, Tlongsai h@- (p. 271)	**** { 焊 hán }
hành	onion	*** Luhupa Branch Kukish *ho, Kupome, Maram, Kabui -hau (pp. 299, 300)	**** { 蔥 cōng }
hùm	tiger	**** Luhupa Branch Kukish hum, Maring hum-, Khoibu hom-, Khoirao -hu- (p. 300)	**** { 甝 hán } SV 'hàm' See 虎 hǔ (SV hổ): VS 'cọp'.
hăm	twenty	** Tśairelish Katśinish m-kul, Andro hol, Sak hūn (p. 397)	*** { 廿 niàn }
hết	to not exist	*** V 'finished, consumed', M miè 滅 met, OB med-pa, Siamese, Lao hmēăƫ/ (Lao: 'finished, consumed') (p. 65)	*** { 滅 miè } SV 'diệt'. cf. *** { 絕 jué } (SV 'tuyệt'). VS 'hết' is possibly cognate to **** { 竭 jié } (SV kiệt) to mean 'run out'.
hồn	spirits	***** (Haudricourt) Chin. ,gəun 魂 (M hún), Daic Siamese, Lao, Tay Noir, Tho, Nung khwăn, Tay Blanc qhwăn, Mak kwăn, Dioi hwen (p. 480)	***** { 魂 hún }
hỗng	hole, hollow	**** V also ‘trống’, M kǒng 孔 kʿong/, M Bur. ă-koń\, Diamasa koń-, OB kʿun (p.44)	**** { 孔 kǒng } SV 'khổng'. Cf. 'trống' 空 kōng: SV 'không' (empty)
keo	glue	***** M jiāo 膠 kăo-, M Bur. ko, Siamese, Lao kāw (p. 61) | (Haudricourt) Viet. 'keo', Chin. kău/ 膠 (M jiāo), Siamese, Lao, Tay Blanc kāw, Shan kɔ, Nung kyaw (pp. 523, 524)	****** { 膠 jiāo } Ex. 膠漆 jiāoqì: VS 'keosơn'
kham	bear, endure	**** M kān 堪 kʿān-, M Bur. kʿam (p.44)	***** { 堪 kān }
khum	bow down	**** Kukish kum ?, (to stoop), Ka. kum, gūm || N. Ass. Miśing kum, Yano rek, Bunan rig (p. 204) | khum 'to stoop' Burmish O Bur. kʿum, M Bur. kʿum, N Bur. kʿoũ\, Lawng kam, Tsaiwa kim (p. 361)	**** { 躬 gōng }
khuya	night	** M yè 夜 ịă\, M Bur. N-nyă, Kukish *ń-ya (pp. 42-43), Luhupa Branch Tśamphung ńă-yu- (p. 301) | (Haudricourt) *ɣǐn, Siamese gǐn, Lao, Tho khun, Shan khɯn, Tay Blanc qhɯn, Nung khən, Dioi hen (p. 514)	** { 夜 yè } SV 'dạ'
khác	different	* OB kʿyad || C. Bod. Choni kʿyä (p.102)	**** { 各 gé } SV 'các'
kháu	beautiful	**** M jiāo 嬌 kīau\, Siamese kēw\2, M Bur. kro (p. 67)	**** { 嬌 jiāo } SV 'kiều'
khép	close the eyes	**** (Haudricourt) Daic Siamese hlăp, Lao, Shan, Tay Noir, Tay Blanc, Nung lăp, Sui khăp (p. 466), Mak lăp, Li ńyăp (p. 482)	*** { 合 hé } SV 'hạp', also, SV 'cáp'. cf. 捭合 bàihé: VS 'khépmở' (open and close)
khó	difficult	*** M. Bur. kʿak, OB kʿag-po (p.44) || OB W. dka-ba, Sbalti, other Bod. languages Tsangla ka-lo (p. 117)	*** { 困難 kūnnăn }, 'khó' hereof is contraction of VS 'khókhăn' (difficult), or, perhaps, 苦 kǔ from 困苦 kūnkǔ (hardships).
khóc	weep	**** M qì 泣 kʿyap, kʿịəp, OB kʿrab- (p. 67), Kukish *krapʾ, Luśei ţapʾ, grap (p.46) || Other Bod. languages Gurung kro-(d), Muri kra-dźʾ (p. 125), South Branch Thadao -kap-, Śiyang, Vuite kap (p. 250), Meithlei kap- (p, 283), Luhupa Branch Imeanai -kra, Zumoni ka-, Tengima kra (p. 320), Tśairelish Katśinish krapʾ, Kadu kʿrap (p. 410)	**** { 泣 qì } SV 'khấp'. Cf. ****** { 哭 kū } SV 'khốc' /k'okw7/: VS 'khóc' /k'ɔkw7/ (weep)
khói	smoke	*** OB kʿu (NNW), M Bur. -kʿui\, Luśei -kʿu (p. 59) || Kukish *m-kʿru, Bur. -kʿui\, Diamasa -kʿu-di, Katśin -kʿru (p.44) || West Himalayish languages Bunan, Thebor kʿu (p. 132), other Bod. languages Rgyarong -kʿu (p. 120), Meithlei -kʿu (p. 280), Luhupa Branch, Holta -kʿu, Tśungli, Mongsen -kʿo-1, Khari k-ü, Maring kʿu, Ukhrul kʿut, Phadang -kʿut, Khunggoi -kʿu, Dayang -kʿu (pp. 305, 306), Burmish Bur. *kʿui\, Lolo Akha kʿo\, Nyi kʿə\, Ahi kʿö\, Ulu kʿö, Wei-ning kʿü (p. 368) | Baric Garo, Tipora, Muthun -kʿu, Dimasa -kʿu-di, Atong -kʿu-si, Mośang -kru (p. 441)	**** { 汽 qì }
khổ	bitter	***** M kǔ 苦 kʿo/, Kukish *kʿa\, Luśei kʿa, M Bur. kʿa\, Dimasa -kʿa, Katśin kʿa (p.44), Luhupa Branch Maring , Phadang, Maram, Khoirao, Empeo kʿa-, Ukhrul, Mongsen,Thukumi, Rengma, Imemai -kʿa, Kupome -kʿau-, Khunggoi, Kwoireng -kʿa-, Kabui kʿu-, Zumoni ku- (p. 288)	***** { 苦 kǔ }
kèm	unite in one, put together	**** V 'attach, together, with', M jiān 兼 kem-, Siamese kēm (mix, intermix, mingled), Lao kēm/ (together, with) (p. 66)	**** { 兼 jiān } SV 'kiêm'.
kén	picky	**** OK Kukish *kʿiań, Luśei kʿiań, Tlongsai, Mara kʿ (p. 271)	**** { 揀 jiăn }
kéo	pull	**** M qiān 牽 kʿen-, Siamese, Lao kʿ ěn\3 (p. 66), Central Branch Kukish *kai, Luśei kai, Kapwi kai- (p. 238) | Also: 'force or pull open' Old Kukish Kukish *t-keo, Luśei keo, Mara *sa-kei (p. 269)	*** { 牽 qiān } SV 'kiên'
kêu, gọi	call	**** M jiāo 叫 kịau\, Kukish *ko, Luśei ko, M Bur. kʿo, Katśin gau, (p. 65), Luhupa Branch Kwoireng, Rengma ko-, Kabui kau-, Empeo ku, Zumomi -ku, Dayang ku, Tegima ke (p. 286)	**** { 叫 jiāo } SV 'khiêu'
kẹp	pinch, tongs	**** Kukish -kʿep, Dimasa kʿep (p. 204)	**** { 夾 jiă } SV 'giáp'
kề	next to	*** (Haudricourt) Siamese laǐ, Lao, Shan kəɯ, Ahom kaw, Tay Blanc tśhəɯ, Tho śəɯ, Nung kyəɯ, Caolan khay, Dioi kyaɯ, Wuming klaɯ, Sui, Mak phyăy, Bê le, Li (p)ləɯ (pp. 524, 525)	**** { 切 qiè }
kềm	thongs	**** M qián 鉗 gīm-, Siamese, Lao gīm (p. 66)	**** { 鉗 qián } SV 'kiềm'
liên	continuous	***** M lián 連 līn-, Lao lyən (lien) (p. 69)	***** { 連 lián } SV 'liên', also VS 'liền' (immediately)
liếm	lick	***** M tiăn 舔 Chin. /tʿem/, *lem/, OB lem- (W.) (The roots in W. Himalayish is, however, leb-; cf. Siamese lep 'to put out the tongue' ~ VS 'lè', 'thè' (put out the tongue). But, Bahing lyăm 'tongue', EE. Him. lěm. The Chin. form is based on Cant. lim/, Sino Annamese liếm (Emeneau)) (p. 66), all Old Kukish languages show the articulation of /lei/ (p. 252), Luhupa Branch Kuksih *m-liakʾ, Luśei liakʾ, Rong lyak (p. 317) | O Bur. *m-liakʾ, M Bur. lyak, Luśei liak, Lamgang p(i)-līk, Anal pi-līk, Kom ma-lẹk, Tśiru mẹ-lēk, Śo m-le-, Ukhrul -mă-lek, Rong lyak (pp. 25-27)	**** { 舔 tiăn } SV 'thiềm'. Also VS ‘nếm’ (taste)
làm	make, do	*** Luhupa Branch Kukish *siam, Luśei śiam, Zumomi śi-, Tengima si- (p. 322), Burmish O Bur, M Bur. lup, N Bur. louʾ, Arak., Intha lot, Tavoy lauʾ, Samong lak (p. 361)	*** { 幹 gàn } (SV 'cán'), or *** { 勞 láo } (SV 'lao'), *** { 弄 nòng } (SV 'lụng'), depending on context, Ex. 幹活 gànhuó: VS 'làmviệc' (work), 勞動 láodòng: VS 'làmlụng' (labor), 弄壞 nònghuài: VS 'làmhư' (cause broken)
làng	village	**** Baric Tśang sāń (p437)	**** { 鄉 xiāng }
lá	leaf	**** OB lab-ma || W. Himal. lang. Kukish lap?, Bunan, Mantśti lab (p 138), Tśairelish Katśinish lap, Rawang -lāp, Khalang -lăp (p. 402), Mnyamskad lap-ti, West Himal. lab, Midźu, Kadu lap (p. 405), Luśei la, Karenic *hla\, Karenni lä, Pwo lə28, Sgaw lə7, Bwe lä7 (p. 414)	**** { 葉 yè }
lòng	heart	**** O Bur. *m-luń, Luśei luń, Aimol mu-luń, Purum, Langrong, Kolhreng -luń, Hrangkhol mi-luń, Khimi b-luń, N. Khami pă-lun, Maring, Phadang mă-luń, Tśngli, Mongsen -mu-luń (pp.14, 25-27) || OB m-luń, Southern Kukish Khimi b-luń (p. 207), Minbu lön (p. 222), Central Kukish Kukish *m-luń, Ngente, Haka luń (p. 230), Old Kukish Kuki *m-luń, Tśiru -mu-luń, Aimol -luń, Purum -luń-, Langrong luń, Hrangkhol mi-luń (p. 258), Luhupa Branch Rengma mioń, Zumoni me-lo, Tengima -mel-lu (p. 320)	**** { 心 xīn } (SV tâm), also, VS 'tim' (heart, blood-pumping organ)
lõng	liquid	*** (Haudricourt) Viet. 'lõng', Siamese l@@ŋʾ, Lao, Tay Noir, Shan lɔń, Ahom lwaŋ, Tay Blanc qhɔń (p. 510)	*** { 溶 róng }
lăn	roll	**** Tśairelish Katśinish lum, Kadu lum- (p. 410)	*** { 輪 lún }, cf. VS 'lần' (times)
lưng	back	** OK Kukish *hnuń, Luśei hnuń, Mikir nuń (p. 278)	*** { (脊)梁 (jí)liáng }, also, 'sốnglưng'
lười	lazy	**** M lăn 懶 lān/, Siamese grān2^ (pp. 36-39)	**** { 懶 lăn } SV 'lãn'
lưỡi	tongue	** M shé 舌 dźīt < *ldźīt, OB ltśe, O Bur. m-lei, M Bur. hlya, Siamese lǐn2, Lao lǐn, Karen siń-let, Luśei, Aimol, Purum, Langrong lei, Hrangkhol me-le, Kolhreng -lei, Lamgang p-lei (pp.14, 25-27) || Archaic West. Bodish dialects Sbalti ltśe, Burig ltśeʾ (p. 80), OT Bod. lang. Tsangla le (118), West Himalayish languages Kukish m-lei, Buman hle, Thebor, Kanauri le (p. 136), Northern Assam Midźu mb-lai, b-lai (M) (p. 180), Southern Branch Kukish *m-lei, all languages Luśei, Thado, Ralte, Śiyang, Vuite lei (p. 248), Old Kukish Mara, Tlongsai pa-lei, Śandu pa-lai, Lailenpi -pəle(ị), Miran pəlị_, Lothu pəlị¯, Zotung la\ (p. 268), Hrangkhol me-le, Mikir de (p. 277), Meithlei kei (p. 280), Karenic Pwo pʿle2, Sgaw plē4, Bwe ple (p.416)	*** 舌 shé; **** for { 脷 lěi } SV 'lợi', VS ‘lưỡi’, Cant. /lei2/.
lại	again	*** S. Br. Kukish leʾ, Luśei leʾ, Thado le, Ralte leʾ, Śiyang le, Vuite leʾ (p. 248)	**** { 再 zài } SV 'tái'.
lại	arrive, come	***** OB sleb || W. Himal. lang. Bunan leb, Mantśti hleb (p 138), Minor group Toƫo, Dhimal le- (p. 169)	****** { 來 lái }
lấy	take	**** Minor group Newari lā- (p.158) | Southern Kukish Khimi lau < *lo (p. 207), Southern Branch Kukish *laʾ, Luśei lākʾ, Thado laʾ, Ralte -la-, Śiyang la, Vuite -la- (p.246) || Also Luhupa Branch Kukish *lo\, Luśei lo, Maram, Kwoireng lo-, Kabui lao, Khoirao lau-, Empeo lu-, Zumomi lu-, Dayang lu, Tengima le, Tśakrima le- (p. 299), Tśairelish Katśingish lo, Kadu lu, Rawang lu (p. 404) | Baric Mośang lu (seize), Namsangia lu- (catch), (pp. 435, 441) | (Haudricourt) Daic Shan lăy, Siamese ʾtai, Lao, Ahom, Tay Noir, Tay Blanc, Tho, Nung, Dioi day, Sui, Mak ʔday, Bê zɔy (p. 459)	**** { 拿 ná }, Cant. /lo3/
lần	times	*** S. Br. Kukish *lai, Luśei lai, Thado -lai, Ralte -lai-, Śiyang lai, Vuite -lai- (p. 248)	*** { 輪 lún }
lật	turn over	*** OK Kukish *M-let, *let 'upside down', Luśei let, letʾ, Mara pa-li, li, (p. 269)	* { 翻 fān }
lắm	many, much	*** Siamese tʿ@m/, Kukish *tam, Luśei tam (p. 48) || Old Kukish Kuki *tam, Luśei tam, Tśiru tām-, Aimol -tam (p. 256) | (Haudricourt) Daic Siamese hlāy, Lao, Shan, Tay Noir, Tay Blanc, Nung lāy, Dioi, Ahom lay (p. 466)	*** { 甚 shèn } (SV 'thậm')
lối	road	**** OB lam, M Bur. lam\, Luśei lam (p. 40) | Old Kukish Kuki *lam, Tarao -lam (p. 256) and most of other languages all show the articulation of /lam/.	**** { 路 lù }
lồn	vagina	* Karenic Paku li5, Bwe ¢li2, Geba a2li2, Taungyi lịn, Thaton lịn2 (p. 419)	**** { 陰 yīn }, as in 女陰 nǚyīn
lỗ	hole	**** OB rlubs, M Bur. lup (p. 40), Siamese, Lao hlǔp (hollow, deep) (p. 71)	**** { 窿 lóng }
lớn	great, large, grand	** S. K. *lian, Śo len (p. 222), Kapwi -lin (p. 39), Old Kukish Kukish *lian, Luśei lian, Mara lai, Tlongsai lai-pa, Sabeu -lai (p. 271) | (Haudricourt) Siamese hlw@ŋ, Lao, Tay Blanc, Nung luoń, Ahom luŋ, Tay Noir, Tho loń (p. 503)	*** { 隆 lóng }
lừa	mule	***** Burmish M. Bur. la\, Lolo Ahi lo\, Nyi la-, Lolopho lo (p. 379) | (Haudricourt) Daic Siamese, Lao, Shan, ay Noir la, Tay Blanc, Nung ʿlɔ, Tho _lɔ (p. 468)	****** { 驢 lǚ }
lựa	choose	*** (Haudricourt) Daic Siamese liek, Lao luek, Ahom lük, Shan lək, Tay Noir lɯəʔ, Tay Blanc ləʔ, Tho, Nung luək, Bê leak (pp. 465, 516)	*** { 擇 zé } < MC ɖajk < OC *ɫhak || ¶ z- ~ l-
ma	ghost	* (Haudricourt) Daic Nung mań, Sui, Cao-lan nāń, Dioi fāń (p. 474)	***** { 魔 mó }
mo	sorcery	*** M wū 巫, OB rol-ba, M Bur. rwa (p. 75)	****** { 巫 wū }. cf. 巫師 wūshī VS 'phùthuỷ' (also #'thầymo') 'sorcerer' }
muối	salt	*** O Bur. *m-tś\, Bom mǐ-tśi, Kapwi tśi, Tśru mă-tśi, Aimol me-tśi, Hrangkhol mi-dźi, Kupome ma-tśew, Khunggoi ma-tśi (pp.14, 25-27) || 'saltpeter, niter, salt' : M xiāo 硝 sịau-, M Bur. śo-ra, Maru, Nung R. yam-sau, Katśin śau (p. 64), also as 'salt' Luhupa Branch Kukish m?-tśi\, Luśei tśi, Maring ma-tʿi, Khoibu mi-ti, Ukhrul mă-tśi, Phadang mă-tśé, Kupome ma-tśew, Khunggoi ma-tśi, Kwoireng mă-tai, Tśungli me-tse, Khri, Tengsa mă-tśi, Rengma tśe, Imemai ma-ti\, Tengima mě-tsa, Zumoni m-ti (p. 293)	**** { 硭 máng } (SV 'mang') ~ phonetic 亡 wáng (vong, vô) < MC mwaŋ < OC *maŋ. For ** { 灰 huī }, kuī (SV khôi, muội) | M 灰 huī, kuī < MC xuaj < OC *xwəj. Note: Based on the sounds of the Mon-Khmer languages, nevertheless, this etymon seems to agree with VS 'vôi' (lime), hence, where mountainous Mon-Khmer people used to extract salt from ashes in the old days. For 'diêm' * { 鹽 yán } (SV 'diêm'), in Vietnamese, the vocable also means 'gunpowder' like that of Burnmese. For * { 硝 xiāo }, also read qiào ~ phonetic M 肖 xiào, xiāo (SV 'tiếu', 'tiêu') < MC siaw < OC *siaw, which is less likely than 硭 máng (SV 'mang') for the VS 'muối' cognate. cf. 衁 huáng: VS 'máu' (blood)
muốn	wish	*** OK Kuki *nuam, Luśei nuam, Aimol -nwom-, Langrong -n@m-, Hrangkhol pūn, Kolhreng -nūwom-, Kom -hnūm- (p. 260)	*** { 望 wàng } SV 'vọng', also, VS 'mong'
muống	water spinach	**** (Haudricourt) Daic Siamese ʾpuŋ, Lao, Nung, Tho ɓuń,Tay Blanc buń, Mak muń (p. 489)	**** { 蓊 wēng } as in *** { 蓊菜 wēngcài } VS 'raumuống'
muộn	late	**** (Haudricourt) *m@@n, Lao, Tay Blanc, Tay Noir, Shan, Tho mɔn, Ahom mun (p. 511)	**** { 晚 wăn } SV 'vãn'
màn	curtain	**** M màn 幔 mān-, Siamese măn (yam) (pp. 36-39)	**** { 幔 màn } SV 'mạn'
màn	curtain	**** M màn 幔 mān\, Siamese, Lao mān\1 (p. 72) | (Haudricourt) Daic Siamese mānʾ, Shan ʿpān, Tho, Nung mān (p. 476)	**** { 幔 màn }
màng	bamboo screen	*** (Haudricourt) Viet 'mang, bań, muong' (?) (not sure what is being referred to. ) Daic Dioi rań, Sui, Mak nāń (p. 474)	**** { 網 wăng }, also, VS 'mùng', 'màn'
màu	color	** OB mdog- || A W. Bob. Burig -dok (p. 82)	*** { 貌 mào }, also, VS 'vẻ' (the look)
mây	cloud, fog	*** OB rmugs-pa || N. Ass. Miśing d@-muk, Yano d@-mök, Tagen d@-möʾ (p. 200), Luhupa Branch Kukish *t-mei, Luśei -mei, Maring ră-mai (p. 308), Tśairelish Tśairel mai, Kaśatsinish t?-mei (p. 391) | Kukish t?-mei, Baric Tśang sań-mei (p. 442)	*** { 雲 yún }
mèo	cat	****** M māo 貓 mịau-, Siamese, Lao měw (p. 64) | (Haudricourt) Chin mău-, Viet. meo, Daic Siamese meew, Lao, Ahom, Shan, Tay Noir, Tay Blanc, Tho, Nung, mɛw, Dioi mew (p. 497)	****** { 貓 māo } SV 'miêu'
méo	slant	*** (Haudricourt) Siamese ʾpīyew, Lao, Nung, Tay Noir biew, Shan mew, Tay Blanc bew, Tho biw (p. 501)	*** { 偏 biān }
móng	claw, fingermail	** OB sder-mo || West Central and East Himalayish Vayu deme (p. 144)	*** { 趼 jiăn }
mô	shaman	***** (Haudricourt) Chin. 巫 mū- (M wū), Siamese hm@@, Lao, Shan, Tay Noir, Tay Blanc, Tho mɔ, Ahom, Nung, Dioi mo (p. 508)	**** { 巫 wū } as in VS 'thầymô' 巫師 wūshi. cf. also, VS 'phùthuỷ' (witch)
mõng	thin	*** (Haudricourt) Viet 'mongmanh' (?), Daic Siamese pāŋ, Lao bāń, Ahom bāŋ, Shan māń, Tay Noir, Tay Blanc, Tho, Nung bāŋ, Sui, Mak ʔbāŋ, Bê beań (p. 473)	*** { 單 dān }
mù	blind	** M máo 瞀 mu\, OB dmus-loń (p. 60)	**** { 盲 máng } is more plausible for VS 'mù' (blind) while 瞀 máo is more like ' dizzy', 'dizzled'. cf. 聾 lóng (deaf) for VS 'lãng' (hearing-impared), 瞎 xià (blind) for VS 'chột' (one-eyed)
mù	fog	*** M wù 霧 mū\, OB rmu-ba, M Bur. muigʾ\ (p. 60)	**** { 霧 wù } SV 'vụ'
mù	obscured	**** M méng 朦 moń-, Ob rmońs (p. 70) || (Haudricourt) Viet. mù, Siamese mwă, Lao muo, Tay Noir mo (p. 502)	**** { 朦 méng } (See 'mờ')
mũi	nose	** OB mtśʿul-pa || A W. Bod. Sbalti snam-sul (nostril), Burig snam-tśʿul (p. 82), Norther Assam Midźu mīnyuń, Meyöl mīnoń (p. 187)	** { 鼻 bí }
mơ	dream	**** OB rmań-lam, M Bur. mak, Kukish mań || OT Bod. lang. Rgyarong (rta)-rmo (E.) (p. 121) | Northern Assam Taying ya-mo (p. 190), Miśing, Abor ma(ń), Yano -m@, E. Nyising -ma, Tagen m@-na (p. 196), Burmish O Bur. ʿip-mak, N. Bur. meʾ, Lawng -m@ (p. 346) | Luśei mań, Karenic *mańʾ, Pwo -meʾ3, Sgaw -m@8, Taungthu -mań, Paku -mo5, Geba, Bwe -ma2, Yinbaw -mańn (pp. 418, 419)	**** { 夢 mèng }, also, VS 'mộng'.
mưa	rain	*** Chin. (absent in Shafer's list), OB ro- (W.), Bur. rua M Bur. rwa, Luśei ruaʾ || W. Himal. lang. Kukish r2uaʾ (p. 138), S. K. Śo yoʾ (p. 208), Luhupa Branch Ukhrul -rǒ, Phadang, Khunggoi ru-, Kupome ro-, Empeo -rui, Hlota -ru (p. 307)	*** { 雨 yǔ } SV 'vũ'
mương	canal	**** (Haudricourt) Viet. 'mương', Daic Siamese mǐeŋ, Lao,Tay Blanc, Nung, Dioi muəń, Tho məń (p. 517)	*** { 垸 yuàn }
mướp	luffa, loofa, dish-cloth gourd	*** (Haudricourt) Viet. mướp, Siamese pw@p, Shan mop, Tay Blanc ɓop (p. 503)	*** { 布瓜 } probably a sound contraction of M bùguā (SV bốqua) [ ~> 'mướp' ® \ 布 bù \ MC pwo | ¶ b- ~ m-, 瓜 guā | ¶ w- ~ p- \ OC *kwra (loofah sponge, dishrag gourd, Luffa cylindrica ]
mất	lose	*** OK Kuki *mań, *hmań, Luśei mań, Aimol, Purum -mań-, Hallam mań- (p. 256) , Luhupa Branch Rengma -mʿe-, ememai mo-	**** { 失 shì } SV 'thất'. Also, alternately, *** { 沒 méi } SV 'một' (lost)
mất	to die	**** M wáng 亡 mań-, Luśei mań (p. 72)	**** { 亡 wáng } VS 'vong'
mầy	you	*** (Haudricourt), Viet. 'mầy, mà', Siamese mǐń, Lao, Tay Noir muŋ, Tay Blanc mɯ, Dioi muń (p. 514) | Li (1) mɯ, Ahom maü, Shan, Tho, Li (2) məɯ (p. 525)	*** { 爾 ěr, nǐ }, also, 你 nǐ, also 'mi'
mắng	reprimand	*** (Haudricourt) Daic Lao hmāŋ, Ahom, Tay Noir māń, Dioi mań (p. 474)	**** { 罵 mà }
mắt	eye	**** M mù 目 muk, OB mig, M Bur. myak (myuk), Luśei mit (pp. 36-39) || Eastern dialects Khams mig (p. 112), Dwags mig (p. 115), W. Himal. lang. Kukish mik', Bunan mig, Thebor mi, Kanauri migʾ (p. 138), West Central and East Himalyish Raling, Kiranti mak, Dumi mik-, ma- (p. 153), Northern Assam Midźu miʾ (p. 181), Southern Kukish Kukish *mik', Śo miʾ (p. 220), Southern Branch Kukish *mik', Luśei mit, Thado mit, Ralte, Vuite mit-, Śiyang miţ' (p.246), Old Kukish Kuki *mik', Tśiru mik, Aimo, Purum, Langrong, Hallam mit, Hrangkhol mīń (p. 257), Mikir mek, Ukhrul mk (p. 178), Luhupa Maring mit, Ukhrul mik, Maram -mek, Kabui hmik, Empeo -mik, Hlota -mʿyek (p. 316) | Braic Garo mik-ron, Dacca muk-ruń, Wanang mək-kər, Atong mik-ren, Rabha muk-en, Ruga mul-um, Metś ʿmo-gon, Konts muk-un, Mośang, Tśangge mak, Muthun mik, Banpara mit, Mulung mit (p. 445)	**** { 目 mù }. cf. Viet. "conmắt" )
mặc	to dress	** Burmish Bur. *wat, M Bur. wat (p. 3371)	*** { 披 pì }, also, VS 'bận' (put on)
mặt	face	**** Southern Kukish Kukish *hmai, Luśei hmai, Khimi -mai (p. 207), Central Branch Haka hmai-, Śonśe hmai, Bandźogi mai (p. 230), Kapwi mai- (p. 239), Southern Branch Thado mai, Śiyang, Vuite mai (p.246), Northern Branch Thanphum -hmai, Matupi m(ə)hūt (p. 251), Luhupa Branch Marin, Ukhrul, Phadang mai, Kupome, Khunggoi mai1, Hlota -mʿa, Tśungli, Mongsen ma (p. 310), and most of the Old Kukish languages show the articulation of either /hmai/ or /mai/ (p. 253), Meithlei mai (p. 282) | Baric Garo mik-kʿań, Bodo mă-kʿań, Metś mu-kʿań, Tipora, Dimasa mu-kʿāń (p. 427)	**** { 面 miàn }
mọi	slave	**** S. Br. Kukish *boiʾ, Luśei boiʾ, Ralte boi-, Vuite boi (p. 249)	**** { 蠻 mán } SV 'man'
mốc	mildew	**** S. K. Luśei ēkʾ hmuar, Śo -hm@ (p. 221)	**** { 霉 méi } SV 'môi'
mối	white ant	**** O Bur. *m-kʿra\, M Bur. *m-kʿră, Tenggima mě-kʿrö (pp. 25-27) | Luhupa Branch *lei, Luśei lei-, Ukhrul, Kupome, Khunggoi lei-, Phadang lei-3 (p. 307)	**** { 蠡 lǐ }
mồm	mouth	**** Also, V 'miệng', 'môi' (lips) | M wěn 吻 mǔn/, OB mur-, Luśei hmūr (pp. 36-39), Old Kukish Kuki *hmūr, Hrangkhol fur (p. 258) | also '*jaw' OB mur- (only in compound), Luśei hmur (point, end, tip), all Kukish languages 'mouth' | Minor group Kukish hmūr, Newari hmu-tu (p. 74), Central Kukish kukish *hmūr, Luśei hmūr (tip), Kapwi mun (p. 242) || Also: 'lips, beak, mouth' ~ V 'mỏ, mõm' | OB mtśʿu | S. Br. Kukish *hmūr, Luśei hmūr, Thado mu, Śiyang muʾ (p. 249), Old Kukish Luśei hmūr (also V mõm 'point'), Mara hm@-, Tlongsai -hmo (p. 172), Luhupa Branch Maring, Khoibu mur, Ukhrul mor, Kupome mo-, Khunggoi -mo, Kwoireng -mun, Rengma mań- (p. 324) || A W. Bod. Sbalti kʿam-tśu, Burig kʿam-tśū (p. 82)	*** { 嘴 zuǐ } VS 'mỏ' (beak)
mới	new	*** (Haudricourt) Siamese ʾmaǐ, Lao ʾ_kəɯ, Tay Blanc, Tho, Nung məɯ, Tay Noir .məɯʾ, Dioi mo, Mak măy (p. 525)	*** { 萌 méng } SV 'manh': also, 'mầm' (sprout). cf. Proto-Austro-Asiatic: pɤj, Proto-Vietic: *bʔǝ:jʔ, Proto-Aslian: *pa:j, Proto-Vietmuong: *bʔǝ:jʔ, Tum: bǝɨj.212.
mờ	dim, dark	*** M méng 朦 moń-, OB rmog, M Bur. mok (pp. 36-39)	**** { 朦 méng } SV 'mông'. cf. 夢 mèng (SV 'mộng'): VS 'mơ' (dream)
mở	to open	*** Chin. pʿyěi- (Shafer ?), OB pʿyes, pʿye (pf.) (p.45) || Other Bod. languages Tsangla pʿi (p. 118)	** { 捭 bài (?) }, trying to match the phonetic pattern /p-/ ~ /b-/ ~ /m-/. For { 掰 bāi } VS 'bẻ' means 'break open'. For VS 'mở' (open), it is likely *** { 開 kāi }, Cant. /hoj1/, Hainanese /k'uj1/ }. See 'khép' (close)
mợ	mother	**** OB mo, Karenic *mo\, Pwo mo5, Sgaw mo8 (p. 416)	**** { 母 mǔ } Also: 'mẹ', 'me'. 'mợ' in V also means 'maternal uncle's wife', a short form equivalent to C 舅母 jìumǔ. }
mụ	woman	**** M lăo 姥 mo/, OB mo, Luśei mo (pp. 36-39)	*** ( 姥 lăo } SV 'lão'. cf. 老 lăo: VS 'lão' (old man).
nai	deer	**** Old Kukish Kuki *ŋai, Luśei sa-ŋai, Tśiru, Aimol, Purum, Kolhreng, Kom să-ŋai, Lamgang -să-ŋai (p. 253), Kukish *ńai, Meithlei să-ńai (p. 179), Luhupa Branch Maring să-ŋai, Ukhrul sa-ŋai (p. 309) Baric Dimasa mi-śai, Tipora mu-sai, Banpara mai (p. 447)	** { 鹿 lù }
nghe	hear, listen	**** OB nyan, OB -nä || S. Bod. Lhoskad, Śarpa nyen (p. 91), E. dialects Dwags nyan, Central Branch Ngente, Haka ńai, Panku, hmar -ńai- (p. 230), Southern Branch Kukish *-r-ńai-, Luśei ńai, Thado ńai-, Ralte -ńai-, Śiyang ńai, Vuite -ńei- (p.246), Burmish Bur. *na¯, M Bur. na, Lolo Phumoi, Akha na\, Nyi na¯, Ahi nō¯ , Lolopho no¯ (p. 366) | O Bur. na, Karenic *na\, Pwo nā6, Sgaw nə8-, Bwe mäʾ (p. 414) | (Haudricourt) Daic *ŋin, Siamese yin, Lao, Ahom ñin, Shan, Tay noir ńin, Tay blac nin, Tho nin (p. 486) || nghe(lời) 'obey, listen' | OK Kukish *-r-ńai, Luśei ńai, Sabeu -ńey (p. 269), Luhupa Branch Hlota -ńa-, Tśungli -ńa, Longla ńa (p. 310)	**** { 聽 tīng }. cf. Hainanese /k'ɜ1/ }
ngoài	outside	***** (Haudricourt) Daic Siamese naak, Lao, Shan, nɔk, Tay Noir, Tay Blanc nɔʔ, Tho, Nung nɔk (p. 464)	****** { 外 wài }
ngào	roast	**** M áo 熬 ńau-, OB brńos (pp. 36-39)	**** { 熬 áo }
ngáp	yawn	**** M hā 哈, OB hă, M Bur. Ha (pp. 42-43) | (Haudricourt) Viet. ngáp, Daic *ŋāp, Lao, Shan, Tay Noir, Tho, Nung ńāp, Dioi ńap (p. 477)	*** { 哈 hā } SV 'cáp': VS 'ngáp', probably a contraction of the binome '哈欠 hāqiān'.
ngáy	snore	** O Bur. *m-hnār, Luśei hnār, Mara pa-hn@, E. Mikir iń-nar, Mikir iń-ńar (by assimilation) (pp. 25-27), OK Kukish *m-hnār, Luśei hnār, Mara pa-hn@ (p. 271), E. Mikir iń-nar, Miker iń-ńar (p. 277) | Bodish ńug, Kukish -ńūk, Gtsang nug, Baric Tśang ńak-(ńak) (pp. 428, 445)	** { 鼾 hān }
ngó	look	*** (Haudricourt) Viet. 'ngoi' (?), Khmer nǐey, Siamese ŋey1, Shan, Tho ńoy (pp. 521, 522)	**** { 瞧 qiáo } For Haudricourt's posit in Viet. 'ngoi', probably he meant VS 'ngó'.
ngón	toe	*** OB mdzug-gu, O Bur. *m-yuń, Luśei zuń, Khimi mă-zuń, Maring, Phadang m-yuń, Tśangli me-yon, Maring ma-tin (p. 44) || A W. Bod. Burig źūʿ (p. 81), Central Branch Kukish *m-yuń, Kapwi -uń (p. 240) | also OB bran-mo, West Himalayish languages Thebor brań, Suntśu bran-tś, Kanauri prat-ts, Mantśati bren-ze (p. 136), Southern Branch Thado -yuń, Ralte zuń, Śiyang -zyum, Vuite zuń- (p. 247), Luhupa Branch -ma-yuń, Ukhrul yuń-, Kupome -yuń-, Kwoireng, Kabui -dźuń, Empeo dźuń- (p. 316), Hlota -ioń-, Tśungli me-yoń, Mongsen -mi-yuń (p. 318), Rengma dźoń-u (p. 320), Tśairelish Katśinish m-yuń, Kadu l-iūń (p. 410) | Also: 'finger' Karenic Geba -nõ1, Naku -no¯, Yinbaw -nou1, Taungyi -noń2, Thaton -noń3 (p. 420)	** {尖 ​jiān }, probaly a contracted form of 指尖 zhǐ​jiān.
ngươi	thou	**** M ér 而 nyi-, OB nyi-d, M Bur. ni (Hor) (pp. 36-39) | OK Kukish *nań, Luśei, Meithlei nań (p. 283)	*** { 爾 ér } (See also 你 nǐ, VS 'mầy', 'mi')
ngấc	raise one's head	*** (Haudricourt) Siamese ń@@k, Lao ńɔk, Ahom ŋwak, Shan ńôk, Tay Noir, Tay Blanc ńɔʔ (p. 508)	**** { 仰 yăng }, also, SV 'ngưỡng': VS 'ngẫng', 'ngóc'
ngẫm, gẫm	think	**** M rèn 恁 nyam\, Old Bodish snyam (p.14 to start in Shafer 1966, Part 1, where Sinitic Division is listed)	**** { 恁 rèn } SV 'nhậm' and 'nhẫm'
ngẫng	rise, raise	**** M áng 昂 ńāń-, Siamese ńāń^2 (p. 72)	**** { 昂 áng }. Did Shafer mean VS 'nâng' ?
ngậm	hold in the mouth	**** M àn 唵 ʿām-, Luśei *um, Siamese ʿ@m (p. 71)	**** { 唵 àn } is for VS 'ăn' or eat. Shafer or Haudricourt should switch this word with their M 含 hán to mean 'ngậm' in V. Shafer or Haudricourt should switch this word with their M hán 含 ɣām-.
ngắn	short	**** S. K. Luśei hniam, Śo nyen, -nen (p. 218)	**** { 短 duăn }. Cf. VS 'lùn' (short in height)
ngọt	sweet	***** OB mńar-ba || A W. Bod. Sbalti, Burig ńar- (p. 82)	***** { 𩜌 yuē } (SV ngạt)
ngỗng, ngang	goose	**** M é 鵝 ńa ~ M yàn 雁 ńăn\ (wild goose), OB ńań < *ńan, M Bur. ńan\ (pp. 36-39), Siamese, Lao hān_1 (p. 71)	**** { 鵝 é } (SV 'nga')
ngủ	sleep	**** OB snyid || S. Bod. Groma nyiʾ- (p. 91)	**** { 臥 wò } SV 'ngoạ' (lying)
ngựa	horse	*** OK Kuki *kor, Luśei -kor, Tśiru, Prum -koŕ, Aimol, Langrong, Hrangkhol -kor (p. 259) | (SV ngọ), (Haudricourt) Chin. 午 wǔ, Daic Lao səńə, Tay Blanc sańa, Dioi sa, Mak ńo (p. 471)	**** { 午 wǔ } SV 'ngọ'
nhuộm	dye	***** (Haudricourt) Chin. 染 ńīm (M răn), Viet. 'nhuộm', *ñ@@m, Siamese ʾy@@m, Lao, Tay Blanc, Tay Noir, Shan, Tho, Nung ñɔm, Ahom sük, Dioi num, Bé niem, Sui ʔyăm (p. 512)	**** { 染 răn } Also, VS 'nhiễm', 'nhuốm', and 'lây' (infect)
nhét	tack in	*** OK Kukish *yepʾ, Luśei zepʾ, Mara zi (p. 271)	**** { 間 jiàn }, also, VS 'chen'
nhắm	be sleepy	*** M mián 眠 men- (to close the eyes, to sleep). M Bur. myań (p. 66)	*** { 眠 mián } SV 'miên', VS 'nhắm' for the meanning 'close ones's eyes'.
nhọn	sharp	*** V 'pointed' | OB rnon-pa || A W. Bod. Ladwags rnon- (J) (p. 83)	**** { 尖 jiān }
nhỏ	young	**** M ní 倪 ńăi-, M Bur. ńay (pp. 36-39, 61) | 'younger sibling, child': Kukish *nau, Luśei nao, Khimi nau (p. 209), Maring naǒ, Ukhrul -naǒ, Khoirao -nau (p. 312), also for 'young' Souther Branch Kukish *ń-r ?-no, Luśei no, Thaso -nou, Ralte -no, Śiyang no, Vuite -no (p. 248), Meithlei -nau (p. 282), Luhupa Branch Ukhrul -ńă-nui, Tśungli nu (p. 311) || Also 'little boy' (Haudricourt) Daic Siamese ŋāy, Lao, Ahom, Shan, Tay Blanc, Tho, Nung, Sui ńāy, Dioi ńay, Sui ńe (p. 463)	**** { 倪 ní }, also, 兒 ér, VS 'nhí'
nhổ	spittle	**** M tù 吐 tʿo\ to spit out, OB tʿu, tʿo-le (p.14)	****** { 吐 tù } SV 'thổ'
nhớ	remember	**** Karenic Paku -no4, Bwe, Geba -ne2, Nuku -ne\¯ (p. 419)	**** { 憶 yì }
non	young, soft	**** Tśairelish Katśinish -no, Kadu nu (p. 408)	**** { 嫩 nèn }
nàng	young girl, woman	***** (young girl) (Haudricourt) Viet. 'nàng', Chin. 娘 nāń (M. niáng), Daic Siamese hñiń, Lao -ñiŋ, Ahom ñüń, Tay Noir, Tay Blanc, Tho ñiŋ (pp. 464, 473), (as woman) Daic Siamese nāŋ, Lao, Shan, Tay Noir, Tay Blanc, Tho, Nung nāń (p. 464)	****** { 娘 niáng }, also, VS 'nạ' (mother)
này	this	**** (Haudricourt) Viet. này, Daic Siamese ʾni, Lao Ahom, Shan, Tho, Nung, Tay Noir, Tay Blanc ni, Dioi nayʾ, Mak nay (p. 484)	*** { 這 zhè }, cf. Huế dialect /ni/
ná	crossbow	***** SV nỏ, M nú 弩 no/, Siamese, Lao nā\1, mai2 (p. 61) | (Haudricourt) Khmer sna, Daic Siamese *sna?3, Lao ʿhna, Ahom, Shan, Tay Noir, Tay Blanc Tho, Nung, na, Sui nha, Cao-lan nɯ, Dioi nɯə (p. 471)	****** { 弩 nú }
nâu	brown	*** N. Ass. Midźu rańāl, Meyöl ńāl (p. 186)	**** { 焦 jiāo } Also VS 'cháy' (burnt) }
nói	say	*** OB ńag, M Bur. ńak (speech) (pp. 36-39), S. Br. Kukish *śoi, Luśei śoi, Thado śoi-, Ralte -śoi- (p. 249)	*** { 話 huà } SV 'thoại'
nóng	hot	**** OB dro-ba || A W. Bod. Sbalti trong-, Burig drun- (p. 83)	*** { 燙 tàng }
núi	mountain	*** (Haudricourt) Viet. 'núi', Lao dɔy, Shan lɔy, Ahom dway, Dioi ɗɔy (p. 512)	**** { 山 shān }, also, VS 'non'. Hainanese /twa1/ (pronounced like French 'toi')
nước	water	**** (Haudricourt) Daic Siamese ʾnām, Shan, Sui, Mak nam, Lao, Tho, Ahom, Tay Noir, Tay Blanc, Dioi, Mak năm, Nung ram, Bê nɔm, Li nom, nəm (p. 482)	**** { 水 shuǐ }, cf. VietMuong 'dak' ~ 'nák' ~ 'nước' (water). Also, the **** is for /nam/.
nạ	mother	**** Central Branch Kukish *nu\, Haka, Panku nu, Taungtha, Śonśe -nu, Bandźogi nu (p. 230), all Old Kukish languages show the articulation of /nu/ (p. 252)	**** { 娘 niáng }
nắng	sun	**** OK Kukish *k?-ni\, Luśei ni, Mara, Tlongsai, Hawthai nań (p. 267)	*** { 陽 yáng }
nằm	lie down	**** (Haudricourt) Siamese n@@n, Lao, Tay Blanc, Tay Noir, Shan nɔn, Dioi non, Ahom nwan, Muk nun (p. 511)	*** { 躺 táng }
nếm	taste	**** M tiăn 舔 Chin. tʿem/, Kukish *M-tem, Luśei tem (p. 48)	**** { 舔 tiăn } SV 'thiềm'. Also VS ‘liếm’ (lick)
nếp	glutinous rice	***** (Haudricourt) Viet. nếp, Chin. nuaʾ 糯 (M nuò), Siamese ʾhnīyew, Lao, Nung niew, Tay Blanc .new, Tho niw, Bê năw (p. 501)	**** 糯 nuò
nồi	vessel, pot	*** OB snod || A W. Bod. Sbalti snod (p. 81)	*** { 豆 dòu }, with the pattern /d-/ ~ /n- }. See 'đậu' (bean)
phun	sprinke	**** Tśairelish Katśinish pʿul, Kadu bun (p. 408)	**** { 噴 pèn }, also V 'bắn'
phía	side, direction	*** OB pʿyogs || A W. Bod. Sbalti -pʿyox, Burig -pi (p. 82)	**** { 邊 biān } SV 'biên,' also VS 'bên' (by the side), 'miền' (region)
phải	right side	* (Haudricourt) Daic Siamese, Lao, Tay Noir, Tay Blanc, khwa, Cao-lan, Dioi kwa, Sui fa, pha (p.472)	*** { 右 yòu } SV 'hữu'
phồng	swell	**** OK Kukish *puam, Luśei puam, Meithlei pom- (p. 284), Luhupa Branch Rong pǔm-byom (p. 319), M Bur pʿwamʾ, O Bod sbom-, Tśairelish Katśinish puam, Kadu pum (p. 411)	**** { 膨 péng }
phổi	lung	***** (Haudricourt) Chin. 肺 pịʷɐiʾ (per H. ancient final for this sound is -ts), (M fèi), Viet. 'phổi', Siamese p@@t, Lao, Tay Blanc, Shan pɔt, Dioi pət (p. 510)	**** { 肺 fèi } SV 'phế'
qua	pass	***** (Haudricourt) Chin. 過 kwa\ (M guò), Daic Siamese, Lao, Tay Noir, Tay Blanc, Tho, Cao-lan, Bê kwa (p.472)	**** { 過 guò }
quay	revolve	** Chin. jịuən\, Siamese wǐyěn, Luśei vir, Katśin Kăvin, Garo wil- (pp. 42-43)	*** { 旋 xuán } SV 'toàn' , alternately *** 迴 huí, SV 'hồi', that match the Siamese and Garo forms. Haudricourt did not cite the exact Chinese character for it but based on his transribed Chin. jịuən\, it could be M 轉 zhuăn, it means 'revolve' as well.
quay	spin	*** Burmish Bur. *wań, M Bur. wańʾ, Lolo Lolopho va (p. 373)	*** { 璇 xuán }
quen	familiar	***** (Haudricourt) Chin. kʷan' 慣 M guàn, Daic Siamese gǔn, Tay Noir, Tay Blanc, Nung kun (p. 491)	**** { 慣 guàn } SV 'quán'. Ex. VS 'thóiquen' (habit): 習慣 xíguàn (SV tậpquán)
quăng	throw awy	**** Kunkish worʾ < *warʾ || Minor groups Newari wā- (p. 160)	**** { 扔 rèng }, also, 'ném'
quạ	crow	**** OB kʿwa-ta, Baric Garo, Bodo, Metś, Tipora, Dimasa, Namsangia -kʿa (p. 427)	**** { 鴉 yā }
quạt	fan	** OK Kukish *yāpʾ, Luśei zāpʾ, Mikir hi-zāpʾ (p. 277) | OB -yab, Burmese yab, Kukish ʿyāp, Baric Banpara rań zep, Tśang wän yep (p. 445)	** { 颳 guā } (SV quát)
run	tremble	*** (Haudricourt) Siamese y@@n, Tay Blanc, Shan yɔn, Ahom ywan (p. 511)	*** { 顫 chàn }
ruộng	paddies	*** N. Ass. Miśing jhum, Yano rek, Bunan rig (p. 204)	**** { 垌 tóng } SV 'đồng'. cf. *** { 田 tián } (SV điền), also, VS 'đồng'.
ruột	bowels	*** Northern branch Thanphum ă-rīn, Matupi Xrīl (p. 251), OK Kukish *k-r2il, Luśei ril, Mara ri (p. 272)	* { 腸 chăng }
rào	fence	*** OK Luśei pal, Kom ra-pe, Tśiru ra-pa (p. 261)	*** { 欄 lán }
râu	beard	**** OB sma-ra || A W. Bob. Sbalti smay-ra, Burig smayan-rā (p. 81), other Bod languages Ladwags smań-ra, Tsangla mań-ra (p. 118)	*** { 鬚 xū } Also, VS 'ria'.
rét	cold	**** Southern Kukish Kukish *śik, Katśin śik, Luśei śik (p. 52), Śo sʿi(i) (p. 220), Luhupa Branch Hlota -tsak-, Tengsa -tśik (p. 316)	**** { 淒 qī }
rơi	drop, fall, let fall	*** M luò 落, OB kʿrul, M Bur. kʿrwe (p. 75), also Luhupa Branch Kukish klu, Luśei tlu, Phadang ku loi- (p. 292)	**** { 落 luò } SV 'lạc'
rượu	spirits, liquor	**** M yǒu 酉 ịǔ/, OB yu (Thebor), Luśei -zu (p. 63) | M lăo 醪 lau-, M Bur. lo-dźa Siamese lo\1, Lao hlo\ (all fermented liquors, wine, alcohol) (p. 59) | (Haudricourt) Chin. 酒 tśịəu/tsǔ/ (M jǐu), Viet. 'rượu', Siamese ʾhlau, Lao, Tay Noir, Tay Blanc, Tho, Nung, Shan, Dioi lăw, Sui lhaw, haw, (p. 523)	**** { 酒 jǐu }, cf. 酉長 yóuzhăng: SV 'tùtrưởng' (tribal chief)
rất	much, many	*** OK Kuki *yāt, Kolhreng -yāt- (p. 257)	*** { 極 jí }
rẫy	plowland	*** M mǔ 畝 mu/, OB rmo 'to plough' (p.14), Old Kukish *lo\, Luśei lo, Meithlei lau\ (p. 280) | Also, 'cultivation, jhum-field': Old Kukish *rītʾ, Luśei rītʾ, Mikir rit (p. 278), 'field' Maring, Khunggoi lau, Ukhrul lui, Phadang leou (p. 311)	** { 畝 mǔ } mu, in modern usage, a unit of area (=0.0667 hectares)
rắn	snake	**** O Bur. *p-r2ūl, M Bur. m-rwe, Luśei rūl, Pankhu (Le), Bandźogi (Le) m-rūl, Bom mă-rui, Kapwi mă-run, Aimol rul, Lamgang pa-rūl, Anal p-rul (pp.14, 25-27)	*** { 閩 mǐn } SV 'mẫn' (cf. 乙 yí: SV 'ất', also, modern M shé 蛇).
rắn	snake	**** M mǐn 閩 min- (modern M shé 蛇), OB sbrul, M Bur. mrwe, Luśei rūl (p. 75) || A W. Bod. Sbalti ɣbul, Burig zbrul, Ladwags rul (p. 83), Northern Branch Thanphum rūl (Taʾoa), Matupi Xŗūl (p. 251), Old Kukish Kuki *p-r2-ūl, Luśei rūl, Aimol rul, Hrangkhol mi-rul (p. 258), Kom ma-ri, Tśiruma-ro (p. 261), Mara pa-ri, Sabeu pe-ri (p. 272), Maring pʿrul, Mikir (R.) pʿurul, Mikir (W.) pʿurui (p. 278), Burmish O Bur. mruy, N Bur. mvei, Intha hmvi, Danu mwe, Samong moiń, Lawng -moi, Tsaiwa măvi (p. 362)	**** { 閩 mǐn } SV 'mẫn'
rồi	already, finished	***** (Haudricourt) Chin. liau/ 了 (M liăo) , Daic Siamese ʾleew, Lao, Tay Noir, Tho, Mak lew (pp. 497, 498)	**** { 了liăo } SV 'liễu'.
rộng	wide	** M guăng 廣 kwāng/, Siamese kwāń2\ (p.46)| (Haudricourt) Chin. 廣 kwāń/, Daic Siamese ʾkwāŋ, Lao, Shan Tay Noir, Tay Blanc, Tho, Nung kwāń, Ahom kwāń, Dioi kwāńʾ (p. 474)	**** { 廣 guăng } SV 'quảng'
rớt	fall	*** OK Kuki *klākʾ, Luśei tlākʾ, Biate, -klākʾ (p.257)	*** { 落 luò }, also, VS 'rơi'.
rừng	forrest, jungle	**** M lín 林 l'am-, lịəm (sēn 森 forrest), Luśei ram (p. 67) | Central Branch: Kukis *r2am, Ngente, Haka ram (p. 230)	**** { 林 lín } SV 'lâm'. Cf. 森 sēn ~ 'rậm'
rửa	wash, bath	**** Dimasa –gui, di-gru, Katśin krut, OB bkrut (p. 67), Burmish Bur. *tʿśi, M Bur. tʿśe\, Lolo Akha tsi\, Ahi, Lolopho tśʿə\, Nyi tśʿə-, Ulu tśʿi (p. 366)	*** { 洗 xǐ } (SV tẩy)
sao	star	**** S. Br. Kukish *ɣār, Luśei ār-śi, Thado, Śiyang a-śi (p. 249), Old Kukish Kuki *ɣār, Tśiru āŕ-śi , Aimol ār-śi (p. 256), Luhupa Branch Maring sor-, Ukhrul sir-, Phadang sār-, Kupome su, C. and N. Luhupa să-, Maram să-gai, Rong să-hór (p. 324) | (Haudricourt) Siamese tāw, Lao, Tay Noir, Tay Blanc, Tho ɗāw, Ahom ɗaw, Shan lāw, Nung, Dioi taw, Li drāw (pp. 523, 524)	**** { 星 xīng }
sáng	distinct, bright	*** OB gsal-ba || A W. Bod. Sbalti xsal- (p. 78) | (Haudricourt) Daic Siamese seeŋ, Lao, Tay Noir, Tay Blanc sɛń, Ahom siŋ, Shan shɛń (p. 495)	**** { 亮 liàng }. Actually in Chinese there many words that are cognate to VS 'sáng' depending on the context, for example, 天亮 tiānliàng: VS 'trờisáng' (bright sky), 早晨 zăochén: VS 'sángsớm' (dawn), etc.
sét	thunderbolt	* S. K. -krēk, Luśei tēk, Tśinbok ń-grēk/ (p. 222), Old Kukish *M-Krēk, Tśiru me-tśek, Purum -tek (p. 261)	* { 雷 léi } SV 'lôi'. Also, possibly, * { 靂 lì } SV 'lịch' ( thunderclap).
sóc	squirrel	*** (Haudricourt) Viet. sóc, Siamese kar@@k, Lao, Tho, Nung lɔk, Ahom lwak, Shan lôk, Tay Blanc lɔʔ (p. 508)	*** { 鼠 shǔ } Also 'chuột' (mouse). 'sóc' probably a contraction of M 松鼠 sōngshǔ (squirrel). For 'chuột' (rat) there exists also M 耗子 hāozi.
sôi	boil	**** Luhupa Branch Kukish *so, Luśei śo, Tśungli -so, Rong tsu (p. 311)	**** { 燒 shāo }
sông	river	***** M jiāng 江 k@ng, OB kluń, O Bur., M Bur. kʿloń (p. 69), Kukish *kuań, Luśei kuań, Dimasa di-kʿoń (p. 67), Luhupa Branch Maring, Ukhrul koń, Khoibu, Phadang, Khunggoi, (N.) Luhupa koń-, Kupome kon-ta (p. 286), (It is interesting to see all Sino-Tibetan forms are cognate to the V 'sông', which further strengthen the argument for their affiliation.)	****** { 江 jiāng } SV 'giang'
sơn	paint	*** OB rtsi, Katśin tsi, M Bur. tśʿe\ (p. 51)	*** { 漆 xī }
sạch	clean	*** OB seń-, Tśairelish Katśinish M-r-?-tʿiańʾ, Kadu seń (p. 411)	**** { 潔 jié }, from the compound 清潔 qīngjié where 清 can also be considered as a candidate. }
sắt	iron	***** OB ltśags || A W. Bod. Sbalti ltśak, Burig stśaK- (p. 80), Northern Assam Meyöl tśāk (p. 179) | SV thiết, (Haudricourt) Chin. thet 鐵 (M tiě), Daic Siamese hltěk, Lao, Shan, Tay noir, Tay blanc, Tho, Nung lek, Sui śet, Sek mliek (p. 492)	****** { 鐵 tiě }, also VS 'thép'
sọ	skull bone	**** M lǒu 髏 lu-, Dimasa lao-kʿroi 'skull' (p.14)	**** { 髏 lǒu } SV 'lâu' as in 髑髏 dúlǒu (VS đầulâu)
sống	live, alive, raw, green	***** OB gson || A W. Bod. xson-, Burig son (p. 78) | Bur. hrań (live, to be alive), Kukish -hriń\, Baric Bodo, Metś tʿań, Dimasa, Lalung tʿań, Garo -tʿań, gi-tiń (unripe, green), Wanang -tiń (raw), Mośań -tʿiń (unripe), Namsangia -hiń (green, raw), Thebor -siń (live), Kanauri śöń (alive, to live), Mantśti sriń (live, living), Katśinish kă-siń (raw, not ripe) (p.436)	**** { 生 shēng } SV 'sanh', also, interestingly, 'tái' (raw), 'đẻ', cf. Hainanese /tje1/ (give birth), ex. 生產 shēngchăn: SV 'sanhsảnh' = 'sanhđẻ'.
sớm	early	*** M zăo 早 tsau/, M Bur. tso | (Haudricourt) Siamese ʾdżau, Lao săw, Nung, Dioi śaw, Tay Noir, Tay Blanc, Tho tśăw, Shan săw (p. 522)	**** { 早 zăo }. Also, interestingly, VS 'chào' (hello)
sừng	horn	*** Luhupa Branch Kukish *t-ń-r-ki, Luśei ki, Maring tśi, Khoibu, Khoirao -tśi, Phadang tśe, Kupome mă-tśew, Khunggoi-tśi, C. Luhupa -m-tśi, N. Luhupa (a)kă-tśü, Kabui tśai (p. 287)	*** { 角 jiăo }
sửng	lofty	**** as in VS 'sừngsững' (Haudricourt) Chin. suń- 嵩 M sōng, Daic *ñuŋ, Siamese, Ahom suŋ, Lao, Tay Noir, Tay Blanc, Tho suń (p. 490)	*** { 嵩 sōng }
tai	ear	** M dā 耷 tāp (big ear), Siamese, Lao tūp_ (pendant ears) (p. 71) | (Haudricourt) Daic Siamese, Lao, Ahom, Shan, Tay noir, Tay blanc, Dioi ta, Tho tha, Nung ha (p. 456), Also: Viet. 'say' (?), tai, *tśru Daic Siamese, Lao, Shan, Tay noir, Tay blanc hu, Tho su, Nung khyu, Cao-lan lɯ Sui qha, Mak tśha, Bê sa, Li say (p. 488)	** { 耷 dā }
than	ashes	***** M tān 炭 tʿān\, OB tʿal-ba, Siamese, Lao tʿān_1 (p. 75)	**** { 炭 tān}. Actually, the original meaning of this etymon is for 'charcoal'. See also 'tro'
than	coal	***** (Haudricourt) Chin. thān- 炭 (M tān), Viet. than, Daic Siamese thānʾ, Lao, Shan, Tay Noir, Tay Blanc, Tho, Nung thān, Dioi tan (p. 476)	****** { 炭 M tān }
thang	ladder	*** Baric Namsangia hi-tʿo, Banpara tśi-tuń (p. 446) | (Haudricourt) 梯 thăi (M tī), *tai, Lao, Tay Blanc, Tay Noir, Nung ɗăy, Be lei, Sui ke, Mak tśe (p. 520)	*** { 梯 thăi tī }
thay	substitute	*** Viet. also 'thế' | (Haudricourt) 替 thăi\ (M tì), Siamese thaiʾ, Lao, Shan, Tay Blanc, Nung thăy, Ahom thay, Dioi ʾti (p. 520)	**** { 替 tì } /td>
thiếc	tin	**** (Haudricourt) Viet. thiếc, Chin. sek 錫 (M xì), Daic *ʿthrīyek, Lao hiek, Shan hêk, Tay Blanc heʔ, Tho thiek, Nung sek, Mak sik, Bê tek, Cao Lan lek, Dioi rieʔ (p. 498)	**** { 錫 xì } SV 'tích'.
thám	try, investigate	**** M tān 探 tʿām-, Siamese, Lao tʿām/ (interrogate, question) (p.45)	**** { 探 tān } SV 'thám', also, VS 'thăm'
thêm	add	***** M tiān 添 tʿem_, Siamese, Lao tʿem2/ (p.45) | (Haudricourt) Chin ʿthem-, Daic Siamese theem, Lao, Tho, Nung, Dioi tem (p. 497)	****** { 添 tiān } SV 'thiêm'.
thêu	embroid	***** (Haudricourt) Viet. thêu, Daic Lao sewʾ, Shan shew, Tay Blanc, Tho, Nung, Dioi sew (pp. 497, 498)	****** { 繡 xīu } SV 'tiêu'.
thúi	rot	***** OK Kukish *tʿu, Haka tu, Mara tu, Mikir tʿu (p. 277)	**** { 臭 chòu } SV 'xú'
thấy	see	**** Chin to\ (Shafer ?), OB Mig-ltos (p. 48), mtʿoń, Sbalti, Burig tʿoń (p. 81), other Bod. languages Tsangla tʿoń (p. 117) , West Himalayish languages Buman, Themor, Kanauri, Mantśati -tań, Tśamba-Lahuli ta- (p. 133)	**** { 睇 dì, Cant. /t'aj3/ }
thật	very	**** OK Kuki *tak, Holhreng -tak (p. 256)	**** { 實 shí } Also, VS 'trái' (fruit)
thẳng	straigth	*** OB drań-po || OT Bod. lang. Tsangla drań-po (p. 117)	**** { 正 zhèng }
thẹn	be ashamed	**** M cán 慚 dzām-, OB ãdzoms (p. 15)	**** { 慚 cán } SV 'tàm', also, VS 'sượng'
thỏ	hare	***** M tù 兔 tʿo\, Siamese tʿoʾ_ (p.45)	****** { 兔 tù } SV 'thố'
thở	breath	**** M 息 sịək (to breathe), M Bur. ʾă-sak (p. 66)	**** { 息 xì } SV 'tức'
tiếng	sound, voice	**** M shēng 聲 śīń-, Siamese śīyěń (p. 52) | Siamese śīěń/, Lao syəń/, (sień) (Vietnamese, Siamese, Laotian: word, language, sound) (p. 69)	**** { 聲 shēng } SV 'thanh'. VS 'tiếng' also denotes 'language', so is that of Chinese.
trai	masculine	*** OK Luśei tśal, Kom ma-tśe, Tśiru a-tsa (. p 261)	*** { 丁 dīng } SV 'đinh'.
tre	bamboo	**** OK Kukish *tśāl, Luśei tśāl, Hawthai -tśa, Sabeu -tśe (p. 272)	**** { 竹 zhú } SV 'trúc'
tro	ashes	*** Baric Garo tapra, Tipora, Dimasa tʿāpla, Bodo hatʿ@pla, Metś ha-topla, Atong tap-pa-ra, Mośang tap-tʿa, Namsangia tapla, Tśang tap (p. 428)	*** { 灰 huī }
trong	clear	**** C. Br. Kukish *M-r-tʿiańʾ, Kapwi ma-tʿeń (p. 242)	**** { 清 qīng }
trong	middle	**** OB kloń, Siamese klāń (p. 15)	**** {中 zhōng}. The /kl-/ initial cluster appear to be common in both Sino-Tibetan and Austroasiatic Mon-Khmer languages. cf. VS 'trăng', 'giăng', 'tháng'.
trái	fruit	*** OB se-, Chin. (Shafer ?), Katśin si, M Bur. –si\, Kukish *tʿei\, Dimasa tʿai, Luśei tʿei (p. 52) || Southern Kukish Kukish *tʿei, Khimi -tʿai (p. 207), Śo te (p. 218), Minor groups Newari se, si, Old Kukish Kukish *tʿei\, Luśei tʿei\, Mikir tʿe (p. 276), Luhupa Branch Ukhrul tʿei, Phadang tʿi, Tśamphung -tʿai, Kupome tʿai, Khunggoi tʿai-, C. and N. Luhupa -tʿai, Zumomi, Dayang -tʿi (pp. 289, 308, Tśairelish Katśingish tʿei, Rawang -śi (p. 404) | Baric Garo -tʿe, Bodo, Metś, Dimasa, Tipora -tʿai, Tsutiya tśi-ti, Wanang tʿəi, Atong taiʾ (p. 436) | (Haudricourt) Viet. 'trái', Daic Siamese dźāy, Lao, Shan sāy, Tay Blanc, Ahom, Tho tśāy, Sui săy (p. 518)	**** { 實 shí } as in 結實 jiéshí: VS 'kếttrái' (bear fruits)
trái	left	*** Luhupa Branch Hukish *t-p?-wei, Luśei vei-, Kupomr wai- (p. 307)	*** { 左 zuǒ }
trán	forehead	**** M diān 顛 ten- (top of the head; summit), Siamese, Lao ţēn_ (p. 48), OK Luśei -tśal, Kom tśe (p. 261) | Kuksih M-tśal, Baric Tipora mă-tśal (vầngtrán?) (p. 438), Dimasa tʿain, Katśingish tʿa (p. 443)	**** { 顛 diān }
trâu	buffalo	*** Northern Assam Miśinguish Midźu tăloi (p. 182), Old Kukish Kukish *loi, Luśei loi, Meithlei i-roi (p. 282) | Burmese kywai < *klwai, Megyaw ka-lui, Siamese gwāy, Baric Banpara lui, Kaśatsinish ńa-loi (p. 447)	**** { 丑 chǒu } (SV sửu), cf. 牛 níu (SV ngưu) VS 'ngầu', modern C 水牛 shuǐníu (SV thuỷngưu) VS 'trâunước' (wter buffallo)
trông	look	**** OB tlos || A W. Bod. Sbalti, Burig ltos (p. 80)	*** { 瞪 dèng } SV 'trừng', also, VS 'trợn' (glare)
trùn	worm	***** OK Kukish *til, Luśei til, Meithlei til (p. 279)	**** { 蟲 chóng } SV 'trùng', also, VS 'giun', 'sâu', 'sán'
trăng, giăng, tháng	moon, month	*** M yuè 月 ńyɒt < *ŋ-lat, OB z-la-, zla-ba (M 月霸 yuèbà ?), Bur. la, Kukish (except Mikir) *kʿla, Mikir tśik-li < *tśik-kla, Rgya. tsi-le, Rawang śă-la (p. 19) || Other Bod. languages Tsangla la-nyi (p. 118), W. Himal. lang. Kukish S-kʿla, Bunan śrig, Bunan, Almora hla, Thebor la, Kanauri go-l-sań, Tśamba-Lahuli la-za (p. 138), Minor group Toţo ta-ri, Dhimal ta-li1 (p. 169), Southern Branch Kukish *S-kʿla, Luśei tʿla, Thado tʿla, Śiyang tʿa, Vuite Xa (p.247), Old Kukish Aimol, Langrong tʿa, Purum hla, Hrangkhong ta, Hallam tʿa, Biate -tʿa, Kolhreng tʿa, Kom, Tarao tʿla, Lamgang ƫʿa, Anal (si) ƫʿaʾ (p. 252), Kuki *S-kʿla, Tśiru ƫʿla (p. 262), Mara tʿla (p. 266), Luhupa Branch Kwoireng tśă-hyu, Khoirao lʿa (p. 301) | Burmish Bur. *hla, M Bur. lă, Lolo Phumoi la\, Akha la¯, Nyi tʿla-, Ahi hlo-, Lolopho hyo-, Phupha la (p. 366) | Baric Tipura tal, Bodo dān 'month', Metś dān (in compounds), Moran dan, Dimasa dain3, D daiń, B tain, Hojai deń, Dhimal tālǐ, Garo dźa, Abeng dźa-dźoń (p. 435, 443) || Comments: Shafer's comments on the medial -l- : 'As in Indo-European, medial l causes a good deal of difficulty in Sino-Tibetan because of its effect on preceding consonants. Old Bodish has only kl and bl. Luśei only tl and tʿl and some other Kurkish kl and kʿl. In Middle Burmese *-l- becomes -y- and only occasionally do we have *-l- preserved in an Old Burmese inscription. or in the Tavoy dilect.' (p. 423). With these implications we can equally apply them to the various Vietnamese forms of 'blời', 'blăng', 'trời', 'trăng', and 'giời', 'giăng'.	*** {月 yù } SV 'nguyệt'
trả(giá)	bargain	**** OK Kukish *d@r, Luśei d@r, Mikir dor-pet (p. 278)	**** { 討(價) tăo(jià) }, also, VS 'trảgiá'
trắng	white	*** OB dkar-ba || OT Bod. lang. Gurung, Marmi, Thaksya tar- | Shafer: Parallel to OB dkar-ba "white" are not found ouside Bodish, and one can only say the the primitive Tibeto-Burmic form may have been *t-ɣar which would explain the preservation of the prefix and the dropping of the initial.) (p. 125)	*** { 素 sù } SV tố (no color)
trẻ	children	*** (Haudricourt) Daic Siamese těk, Lao, Ahom, Shan, Tay noir, Tay blanc, Dioi ta, Tho tha, Nung ha (p. 456), Also: Viet. 'say' (?), tai, *tśru Daic Siamese, Lao, Tay blanc, Tho ɗek (p. 492)	**** { 稚 zhì } SV 'trĩ'
trống	drum	**** Also, Viet. 'cồng' | M qiāng 椌 kʿ@ng- (Chin. hollow wooden beaten instrument of music Li-chi), Kukish *kʿuań, Luśei kʿuań, Kukish tum\ (p.202) || Northern Assam Miśing, Tagen -dum, Yano, E. Nyising -dūm (p. 202) | (Haudricourt) Siamese kl@@ŋ, Lao, Shan kɔń, Ahom klwraŋ, Dioi kyɔń (p. 509)	*** { 椌 qiāng } SV 'khương'. cf. 鼓 gǔ, probably VS 'mõ'
trống	empty	**** OB stoń-pa || A W. Bod. Sbalti stoń (p. 81), OT Bod. lang. Tsangla stoń-po (p. 117)	**** { 空 kōng } SV 'không'
trợt	to slip	**** Also, V té ‘fall down’, M diè 跌 det, OB ãdred (p. 51)	**** { 跌 diè } SV 'trật'
trứng	egg	***** Kukish *tui, Luśei tui, Dimasa di, OB dui (p. 48)	****** { 蛋 dàn } for 'trứng'. For /tui/ and /dui/, **** 卵 luán SV 'noãn', Hainanese /nuj1/
tên	arrow	***** OK Kukish *tʿal, Luśei tʿal, Sabeu tśa-tey (p. 272), Mikir tāl (p. 277)	**** { 箭 jiàn } SV 'tiễn'
tía	father	***** M tiè 爹 tʿă-, Siamese tā, OB ʿa-ta (p. 67)	****** { 爹 diè }, also, VS 'cha' (father)
túi	pack	*** (Haudricourt) Siamese daiʾ, Lao thăy, Tay Noir, Tay Blanc, Tho, Nung tăy, Mak thāy (p. 520)	**** 袋 dài (SV đảy): VS 'túi' (sachet), Cant. /tɔj3/. Cf. *** { 兜 dòu } VS 'túi' (pocket)
tốt	good	*** Old Kukish Kuki *pʿra, Luśei tʿa, Tśiru, Kom, Langang, Anal -ţʿa, Aimol, Hallam, Kolhreng -sa, Purum -ŕa, Langrong ţʿa, Biate tʿa- (pp. 261, 262) | Daic Siamese ti, Lao, Ahom di, Shan li, Tay Noir, Tay Blanc, Dioi di, Tho dei, Nung dăy (p. 483)	**** { 德 dé } SV 'đức'
u	mother	*** Tśairelish Tśairel (a)-u, Mru u, Katśinish u ? (p. 391)	**** { 母 mǔ }
uống	drink	**** OK Kuki *in, Luśei in, Biate in, Purum in-, Kom -in- (pp. 257-258)	****** { 飲 yǐn } SV 'ẩm'
voi	elephant	*** O Bur. *m-ɣui\, Śo (a)-mui\, Yawdwin m-wi, Ukhrul mă-vhû, Phadang mahwi (pp. 25-27), C. Br. all languages, Haka, Taungtha, Śonśe wi (p. 232), Lahupa Branch Kukish *m-ɣui\, Luśei wi, Ukhrul mă-vʿu, Phadang ma-hwi (p. 312 )	*** { 為 wéi } (archaic Chin.)
vua	king	***** OB rgyal-po || E. dialects Amdo rgyal-wo (p. 105)	**** { 王 wáng } SV 'vương', also, VS 'bua'.
vào	enter	*** also V. vô, Chin. ? (absent in Shafer's list), OB hońs, M Bur. wań (enter), Luśei *wań (p. 64) | (Haudricourt) Daic *xau, Siamese ʾkhau, Lao, Tay Noir, Tay Blanc, Sha, Tho, Nung khăw, Ahom khaw, Caolan qhăw, Dioi hăw, Bê (law) (p. 522)	**** { 入 rù }, SV 'nhập'. Also, 込 yū, 迂 yū SV 'vu'​ (enter)
vác	carry on back	**** M fù 負 bǔ/, Kukish *t ?-pu, Luśei pu, M Bur. pui\, Dimasa –bu (p. 49)	**** { 負 fù } SV 'phụ'
vái	pray	***** Viet. also 'bái', 'lạy' | (Haudricourt) Viet. 'vái', Siamese ʾhwai, Lao, Shan văy, Ahom băy (p. 521)	**** { 拜 bài }
ván	board	**** SV 'biển', (Haudricourt) Viet. 'ván', Chin. pen/ 扁 (M pián), Daic Siamese ʾpeen, Lao pɛn, Ahom piñ, Shan, Tay Noir, Tay Blac, Nung, Tho pɛn (p. 496)	**** { 扁 pián } SV 'biển': also, VS 'bảng' associated with ***** { 板 băn } SV 'bản'
vòng	circular	**** M yuán 圓 ʾwăn-, Kukish *wal, Luśei val, Katśin val, M Bur. wan\ (pp. 42-43)	**** { 圓 yuán }. Also, 'tròn' (round)
vòng	round	**** M wān 彎 wăn-, M Bur. ʾwan\ (p. 64)	**** { 環 huán } SV 'hoàn'
vùi	bury	**** S. K. Kukish *wui, Luśei vui, Khimi vui (p. 208), S. Br. Thado wui, Śiyang wi (p.249), Luhupa Branch Kukish *wui, Luśei vui, Phadang tśa-hui (p. 312 )	**** { 埋 mái } SV 'mai'
vũng	pool	**** (Haudricourt) Daic *puŋ, Lao, Tay Noir, Tho ɓuń, Ahom ɓuŋ, Tay Blanc buń (p. 489)	*** { 汪 wàng } SV 'vượng'
vườn	garden	**** (Haudricourt) Siamese sw@n, Lao, Tay Noir, Tho suon, Ahom, Nung sun, Shan shon, Tay Blanc son, Cao-lan lun, Dioi suən (p. 503)	****** { 園 yuán } SV 'viên'
vượn	monkey	***** OK Kukish *-y@ń, Luśei z@ń, Tlongsai a-zeu, Miram -a-zau_ (p. 271), Meithlei yōm (p. 280), Luhupa Branch Maring yuń, Khoibu, Ukhrul, Phadang Kupome, Khunggoi, C. and N. Luhupa, Maram, Khoirao -yoń, Kwoireng -dźoń (pp. 296, 297)	**** { 猿 yuán }
vải	cotton, textile	*** (Haudricourt) Daic Siamese vāyʾ, Lao, Tay Noir, Tay Blanc fāy, Shan fe, Nung, Wuming phāy, Dioi way, Mak wāy (pp. 463, 518)	*** { 布 bù }, also, *** 帛 bò: SV 'bạch' (fabrics)
vảy	scales	*** (Haudricourt) Viet. 'vảy', Siamese ʾhwai, Lao, Shan, Tay Blanc văy (p. 521)	*** { 皮 pí }, also ** { 翼 yì } VS 'vây'
vịt	duck	**** (Haudricourt) Viet. vịt, Daic Dioi pit, Mak bit (p. 493)	** { 鴨 yā } SV 'áp'
vỏ	husk	**** C. Br. Kukish *wai, Luśei wai, Pankhu -vai, Haka vai (p. 230), Old Kukish Meithlei wai (p. 282)	**** { 皮 pǐ }.Alternatively, possible ** { 殼 gǔ }
vợ	wife	**** V. 'mợ' | OB sna, O Bur. hna, Karenic *hma-, Karenni mä, Pwo mə38, Sgaw mā1, Bwe mäʾ (p. 414)	**** { 婦 fù }, also, VS 'bụa'
xa	far	**** Southern Branch Kukish *hlaʾ, Luśei lā, Thado -la, Ralte -la-, Śiyang -la, Vuite -la (p. 246)	**** { 遐 xiá } SV 'hà'
xe	carriage	***** (Haudricourt) Daic Tay Noir, Tho, Nung sɛ, Tay Blanc tshɛ, Dioi śie (p. 494)	****** { 車 chē } SV 'xa'
xong	complete	**** Burmish O Bur. tśum, M Bur. tśum, N Bur. soũ, Tavoy saũ (p. 361)	**** { 成 chéng }
xài	use	**** (Haudricourt) Siamese ʾdźaǐ, Lao səɯ, Ahom tśaü, Shan səɯ, Tay Noir, Tay Blanc tśəɯ (p. 524)	**** { 消 xiāo } SV 'tiêu' (consume)
xơi	eat	**** OB dgu, M Bur. tśa\ || W. C E. Himal. lang. Khambu tśa, Kulung, Waling, Kiranti tśo, Limbu tśe (p. 146) | Baric Garo tśaʾ-5, Abeng tśa-ʾ, Dacca tśa-, Wanang sa-, Atong saʾ-, Tintikiya, Rabha sa-, Ruga si-, Kontś sa, Bodo zaʾ-, Metś dźa-, Dimasa dźi, Tipora tśa-, Lalung, Mośang sa, Tśang śsau- (pp. 436, 437)	**** { 食 shí } cf. Cant /sik8/
xương	bone	** OB rus-pa | OT Bod. lang. Rgyarong śa-ru (E.), śarhu (H.) p. 120), || West Central and East Himalayish Bahing rö-sye, Sunwari ru-śe, Tśaurasya ru-su, Dumi sa-lu < *sa-ru, Khaling so-lo, Rodong sa-ru-wa, Karanti sa-i-ba, Waling sa-iwa, sa-rʿ-wa, Rungtśh sa-yu-ba, yu-ba, (p. 148), Karenic Paw tświ28, Sinhma, Tangthu -swi (p.423) | Baric Garo greń, Wanang, Atong, Ruga kereń, Bodo, Metś -geń, Dimasa -gereń (446) | OB rus-, Kukish r2us, Bur. ʿă-rui\, Katśin nrut (Shafer: "No single explanation will account for all the irregularities. In the word for "bone" rus appears to be from ru-sá, primitively in a compound, as indicated by Bahing (E. Him.) rö-sye, but with the elements of the compound reversed in some of the other languages where the root has no final -s: Rgyarong śa-ru Rawang śă-rä < *-ru."), (p. 443)	** { 腔 qiāng } SV 'xoang'. Cf. '腔骨 qiānggǔ (VS 'xươngcốt')
xấu	bad	**** Northern Branch Kukish *tśiatʾ, Luśei tśiatʾ, Śiyang śiě, sʿia (p. 244)	**** { 丑 chǒu }
xếp	to fold	**** M dié 疊 dep, OB ldeb-pa, Siamese d@p | OB lteb-, Eastern dialects Amdo hteb- (p. 108) | M zhé 摺 tśīp, Siamese, Lao tśīp_ (p.67) | also (Haudricourt) Viet. 'chiếp' (?), Daic Siamese, Lao tśip, Mak sip (p. 487)	**** { 疊 dié }
yên	saddle	***** M ān 鞍 ʿān-, Siamese ʿān (p. 72) | (Haudricourt) Viet. 'yên', Daic Siamese ʔān, Lao, Shan, Tay Noir, Tay Blanc, Tho, Nung, Mak ān, Dioi an, Bê iên (p. 477)	***** { 鞍 ān }
én	swallow	**** (Haudricourt) Chin. ʾen\ 燕 (M yàn), Daic Siamese ʔeenʾ, Lao, Tho, Nung ɛn, Mak ēn, Bê ean (p. 496)	****** { 燕 yàn }
ôm	hug	**** (Haudricourt) Daic Siamese ʿʔum, Sui, Mak ʔum, Lao, Shan, Ahom, Tay Noir, Tay Blanc um, Nung op (p. 468, 492)	**** { 擁 yǒng } SV 'ủng', ex. 擁抱 yǒngbào: VS 'ômbồng' }
ăn	put or throw into the mouth	**** M hán 含 ɣām-, M xián 銜 ɣām-, OB gams, Siamese, Lao gām- (p. 72)	**** { 含 hán }, VS 'ngậm', SV 'hàm'. Shafer or Haudricourt should switch this word with their M àn 唵 ʿām- if they meant VS 'ăn' (eat).
đen	dark, black, somber	**** M xuán 玄 ɣuʷen-, Siamese, Lao gūn (night) (p. 72) | OT Bod. lang. Gurung mloń-ya, Marmi mlań-ai, Thaksya malań (p. 127),Tśairelish Katśinish dum, Andro tum-, Sengmai tʿum-, Sak -tʿün (p. 397) | (Haudricourt) Daic Siamese tām, Lao, Ahom, Shan, Tay blanc, Tho, Nung dăm, Tay noir lăm, Li dɔm (p. 459)	**** { 玄 xuán } SV 'huyền'. Also, VS 'tuyền'.
đi	walk, go, come	**** M lǚ 履 lyi/, Siamese lī (p. 41) | Minor group Tsangla de, Almora di (p. 172), Kukish di (come), Amora Branch of W. Him. di, de (go) (p. 330)	*** { 去 qù }
đinh	nail	***** O Bur. *m-tin\, Bom -mi-ti, Tśiru mẹ-tịn, Kom ma-tịn, Khoirao mă-tin (pp.14, 25-27), OB sen-mo, M Bur. -śań\, Luśei tin (p. 68)	***** { 釘 dīng }. Also, VS 'đóng' (to nail) }
điếc	deaf	*** (Haudricourt) Viet. điếc, Siamese hnw@k, Lao, Tho, Nung nuok, Ahom, Dioi nuk, Shan nôk, Tay Noir nuoʔ, Tay Blanc noʔ, Mak ʔdāk, Bê mok (p. 502)	** { 聵 kuì } SV ngoái (born deaf) cf. 'lãng' for '聾 lóng' (modern M to mean 'deaf')
điểm	mark	***** M diăn 點 tem/, Siamese tēm2\ (p. 48)	***** { 點 diăn }. cf. VS 'châm'
đàng, đường	path	**** Also, V đàng ‘road, way, route’, M táng 唐 dāń- (Shijing 700 a-b: path in a temple, also, ‘route, road’), Siamese, Lao dāń (also, road, way) (p. 51)	***** { 唐 táng }. cf. 途 tú (SV 'đồ;), 道 dào (SV đạo), ex. 走道 zǒudào: VS 'đườngđi' (path)
đào	dig	**** Kukish *tai, Katśin dai (p. 48), Burmish Bur. *do\, M Bur. tu\, Phumoi tu¯, Akha tu\, Nyi du\ (p. 369), Tśairelish Katśingish tʿo, Kadu tʿu (p. 408)	**** { 掏 tāo }
đá	stone	*** OB rdo || A W. Bob. rdo-, Burig rdǒa (p. 80), Ladwags rdo (p. 85), Eastern dialects Amdo ʾdo (p.108) | Karenic Paku lö5, Bwe, Geba lo2, Nuku loʾ\¯ (p.420)	**** { 石 shí, dàn }
đái	urinate	**** M niào 尿 nīau\, Siamese yīyěw, Lao ńyəw_^, ńiew (p. 65) | (Haudricourt) Daic Siamese yīewʾ, Lao, Dioi ñiew, Ahom ñew, Shan yew, Tay Noir, Tay Blanc, Tho, Nung, Mak new (pp. 463, 464)	**** { 尿 niào } SV 'niệu', also, VS 'tiểu'
đánh	beat, strike	***** M dă 打 teń, OB teń (Mantśati unit), Luśei deń (p. 66) || also OB rduń, E. dialects Dwags duń (p. 115)	****** { 打 dă } SV 'đả'. Cf. 丁 dīng: SV 'đinh' /dejng1/
đáp	reply	***** (Haudricourt) 答 tāp (M dá), Siamese t@@p, Lao, Shan, Nung tɔp (p. 511)	***** 答 dá
đâm	stab	***** (Haudricourt) Viet. /ɗâm/, Daic Siamese tām, Lao, Shan, Tay Noir, Tay Blanc kăm, Tho, Nung tăm, Dioi tam (p. 482)	****** { 捅 tǒng }
đây	here	**** (Haudricourt) Viet. đây, Daic Siamese di, Lao thi, Ahom, Shan, Tho, Nung, Tay Noir, Tay Blanc, Dioi ti, Mak day (p. 484)	*** { 此 cǐ }
đêm	night	**** OB mtsʿan-mo || A W. Bod. Sbalti tsʿan (p. 81), Souther Branch Kukish *yān, Luśei zān, Thado yān, Śiyang yan3, Vuite zan (p. 247)	*** { 宵 xiāo } SV 'tiêu'
đói	hunger	**** OB ltogs-pa || A W. Bod. Sbalti ltok-, Burig ltok (p. 80)	**** { 餒 něi }, with the pattern /n-/ ~ /d-/
đôi	pair	***** OB dor || A W. Bod. Sbalti dor (p. 83)	****** { 對 duì } SV 'đối'
đũa	chopsticks	***** (Haudricourt) Chin. d'ịʷo\ 箸 (M zhú), Daic Siamese thu', Lao, Ahom, Shan, Tay Blanc thu (p. 488)	****** { 箸 zhú }
đất	earth	*** Luhupa Branch *k-m-deʾ, Kwoirng kă-d-di, Kabui kă-n-di, Khoirao n-dʿa, Empeo go-dei (p. 307) | (Haudricourt) Daic Siamese tin, Lao, Tay Noir, Tay Blanc din, Li den, Shan lin (p. 259), Tho, Nung ɗin (p. 486)	**** { 土 tǔ } (soil), also, 地 dì (earth), 田 tián (land) }
đầy	full	*** S. Br. Kukish *dim, Luśei dim-, Thado dim, Śiyang ɖim (p. 251), Tśairelish Katśinish dim, Kadu dem (p. 411)	*** { 沓 dá } SV 'đáp'
đặt	to place	**** (Haudricourt) Daic *dăt, Lao _thăt, Tay Blanc, Tho, Nung tăt (p. 479)	*** { 置 zhí } VS 'trí'
đền	palace, temple	***** M diàn 殿 den\, Siamese dēn\1 (p. 51)	****** { 殿 diàn } SV 'điện'
đỏ	red	*** (Haudricourt) Daic Siamese teeŋ, Lao, Tay noir, Tay blanc, Tho, Nung, Mak ɗɛń, Ahom, Dioi diń, Shan leń, Li tlɛń (p. 495)	*** { 彤 tóng }
đố	to bet	*** (Haudricourt) Viet. 'đổ', Siamese t@@ʾ, Lao, Shan, Tay Noir, Tay Blanc, Tho tɔ, Ahom, Nung, Dioi to (p. 507)	** { 賭 dǔ }. cf. 猜 cài: SV 'thai' ~ VS 'đoán' (guess)
đốt	burn	****** OB drugs, M Bur. tok (p. 51) || Northern Assam Midźu tʿak (M) (p. 186)	**** { 燒 shāo } SV 'thiêu'
đồn	be rumored	*** OK Kukish *tʿańʾ, Luśei tʿań, Mikir tʿań (rumor) (p. 277)	**** { 傳(聞) chuán(wén) }, also, VS 'ngheđồn'
đỗ	bean	**** (Haudricourt) Chin. duʾ\ 荳 (M dòu), Siamese thwăʾ, Lao thuo, Ahom thu, Shan tho, Tay Noir thuo, Tay Blanc tho, Nung thu, Dioi tuo, Sui thăw, Li thaw (p. 502)	**** { 荳 dòu }, also, modern M 豆 dòu (SV 'đậu').
độc	poisson	***** M dú 毒 duok, M Bur. tok (p. 51), OB drug, dug (p. 69) | (Haudricourt) Daic Siamese tuk, Lao, Tay noir, Tho ɗuk (p. 486)	**** { 毒 dú }, also, VS 'nọc'
đớn(đau)	feel pain, love	**** Also V 'thương', M téng 疼 duoń- (only in modern Chin. this word conveys those two meanings while 痛 tòng signifies ‘pain’ only.), OB gduńs, gduńs-pa (p. 51)	**** { 疼 téng } [ -w < -ong ] cf. 疼痛 téngtòng: VS 'đauđớn' (pain)
đứng	stand	**** Kukish *M-tuńʾ\, Luśei tuńʾ, Dimasa doń- (p. 48)	**** { 站 zhàn }
ảng	basin, jug	**** M áng 盎 ʾāń\, Siamese ʾāń_2, M Bur. ʾāń (p. 42)	**** { 盎 áng }
ỉa	deffecate	**** S. K. Luśei ēkʾ, Śo ek (p. 221)	**** { 屙 é }, cf. Cant. /o5/
ức, ngực	chest	***** S. Br. Kukish *ir, Luśei, Ralte ir (p. 249)	****** { 臆 yì }

The evidence presented above strongly supports the Sino-Tibetan and Sinitic-Vietnamese affiliations for most of the cited etymologies. The listings speak for themselves, and the cognates are highly plausible. It should be noted, however, that the examples are not exhaustive, since much depends on how one defines the category of "basic" vocabulary.

Unlike the relatively limited basic lexicons in Luce’s comparanda, Shafer’s wordlist offers a far richer resource, containing multiple layers of Sino-Tibetan etymologies. From these, a number of selective etyma align convincingly with Vietnamese forms, both phonologically and semantically, and are plausibly cognate. The list could certainly be expanded with results from more recent Sino-Tibetan research, which would allow for broader verification of lexical correspondences, including those claimed by the Mon-Khmer camp. Overlapping cognates across Sino-Tibetan and Mon-Khmer languages would then provide a clearer basis for determining their true origins.

The cross-language etymologies cited here have often diverged so far from their Chinese prototypes that they are scarcely recognizable, yet they appear more closely related to Vietnamese forms. This raises the question: what is the real issue with the wordlist in the previous section, as compared to other Austroasiatic Mon-Khmer listings?

First, Shafer’s wordlist is, by any measure, inexhaustible. Some items were deliberately omitted because their cognacy is not immediately obvious and would require tracing through multiple transitional Sino-Tibetan languages to establish affinity. Even so, the listings provided here contain sufficient data to verify interrelationships with Vietnamese and to lay the groundwork for demonstrating genetic connections in their etymological roots.

Second, the same problems that have long complicated the Mon-Khmer to Vietnamese scenario remain. For instance, the Vietnamese cognates with Mon-Khmer numerals 1 to 5 are often cited by the Austroasiatic camp as justification for classifying Vietnamese within the Mon-Khmer subfamily. Yet if we recognize that Mon-Khmer numerals beyond 10 are Thai loans, themselves cognate with Chinese, we can also reconsider the origins of Vietnamese numerals 6 to 9, which diverge entirely from their Cambodian counterparts.

Third, many of Shafer’s Chinese citations were drawn from Haudricourt’s lists. Because these etyma are also found across Tai-Kadai languages, it becomes clear that numerous Daic-Vietnamese cognates are in fact Chinese loanwords shared by both Vietnamese and Thai. Their close articulatory resemblance points to a common Chinese source. As a result, there is no longer a serious obstacle to interpreting these cognates as Sino-Tibetan in origin, mediated through Chinese.

In the sections that follow, we will address the persistent issues that have hindered progress in re-establishing Vietnamese as a language on par with Sinitic. It seems that Shafer’s Tibetan wordlist has never been fully examined, yet it contains material that could strengthen the Sino-Tibetan hypothesis and move us beyond narrow debates over numerals. Rather than being distracted by the barebones Mon-Khmer numerals 1 to 5, which cannot by themselves establish kinship, we should turn to the broader body of basic vocabulary that reveals deeper Vietnamese cognates within Sino-Tibetan etymologies.

II) Issues in cognates of cardinal numbers

It is clear that one cannot rely solely on similarities in counting systems to draw definitive conclusions about genetic affiliation. Cross-borrowing of basic vocabulary is not uncommon, particularly in cardinal numbers. Modern Burmese provides a good example of divergence, while Chinese loans in Korean and Japanese, as well as the ordinal numbers widely used in Vietnamese, illustrate how borrowing can obscure genetic relationships. There is no linguistic principle that compels us to believe otherwise. In other words, even a complete set of cognate numerals from 1 to 10 in two languages does not, by itself, establish genetic kinship.

In Vietnamese, the numbers from 1 to 5 – một, hai, ba, bốn, năm – resemble their counterparts in Mon-Khmer languages. For instance, in modern Khmer they appear as /mùəy/, /pì:(r)/, /bɤy/, /buən/, /pram/. The Khmer forms are toneless, but the phonological similarities in 1, 3, and 4 suggest cognacy, and by analogy, 2 and 5 are often included as well. Recognition of these correspondences tends to preclude attempts to relate them to Chinese numerals, which would amount to little more than speculative play.

Comparative analysis of Chinese and Vietnamese numerals, whether against major Sino-Tibetan languages or Chinese alone, reveals persistent difficulties. The two sets do not display consistent patterns of sound change across the full range of numerals, even when considering subsets such as 1 to 2 or 5 to 10.

The case of the numeral 2 is particularly instructive. In Khmer it diverges from Vietnamese hai, yet in historical linguistics it is not unusual for genetically related languages to share as few as two numerals as cognates, often consecutive ones such as 1 and 2. These are thought to have originated from the concept of "two hands" in a binary system. Interestingly, Vietnamese and other Sino-Tibetan languages also exhibit such consecutive similarities, which extend the pattern into a binary framework encompassing both 1 to 5 and 6 to 10.

Merritt Ruhlen in his The Origin of Language: Retrospective and Prospective (pp. 6-7) summarizes his findings on arbitrary vocables for number '2', in the world's languages many of them start with /p-/ or /b-/ sound:

"Dixon [R. M. W. 1980. The Languages of Australia. Cambridge, Eng. ] reconstructs *bula ‘2’ for Proto-Australian, and Blake (1988) shows how this number has been used to form dual pronouns in the Pama-Nyungan subgroup: *nyuN-palV  ‘you-2’ and *pula  ‘they-2’. Two of the extinct Tasmanian languages (considered by Dixon unrelated to Australian languages) exhibit similar forms, Southeastern boula ‘2’ and Southern pooalih ‘2.’ In the context of his Austro-Tai hypothesis Paul Benedict (1975) pointed out the similarity of the number 2 in all of the major families of Southeast Asia. Benedict reconstructs *ʔ(m)bar ‘2’ for Proto-Austroasiatic (cf. Santali bar, Jeh bal, Khmu’ bār, Old Mon ʔbar) and *(a)war ‘2’ for Proto-Miao-Yao. He also considers Daic forms like Mak wa ‘twin’ and Austronesian forms like Javanese kěmbar ‘twin’ to be cognate with the preceding. In Africa one of the pieces of evidence that Edgar Gregersen (1972) offered in support of Congo-Saharan (his proposal for joining Niger- Kordofanian and Nilo-Saharan in a single family) was forms for the number 2 that hardly differ from those we have seen so far. In Niger-Congo we have Temne (kë)bari ‘twin’, Nimbari bala ‘2’, Mano pere ‘2’, and Proto-Bantu *bàdí ‘2’; Nilo-Saharan has forms such as Nubian bar(-si) ‘twin’, Merarit warē ‘2’, and Kunama barā ‘ pair.’ In Eurasia one of Illich-Svitych's Nostratic etymologies appears related to the forms discussed so far, but in these families the meaning has shifted from ‘2’ to ‘half’, ‘side’, and ‘part’. Specifically, Illich-Svitych (1967) connects Proto-Indo-European *pol ‘half, side’ (cf. Sanskrit (ka-)palam ‘half’, Albanian palë ‘side, part, pair’, Russian pol ‘half’,) with Proto-Uralic *pā-lä/*pole ‘half’ (cf. Yurak Samoyed peele‘half’, Hungarian fele ‘half, one side  of two’, Vogul pāäl ‘side, half’, Votyak pal ‘side, half’) and Proto-Dravidian *pāl ‘part, portion’ (cf. Tamil pāl ‘part, portion, share’, Telugu pālu ‘share, portion’, Parji pēla ‘portion’). Finally, cognate forms are found in Amerind languages of North and South America (cf. Wintun palo(-l) ‘2’, Wappo p’ala ‘twins’, Huave apool ‘snap in two’, Colorado palu‘2’, Sabane paʔlin ‘2’).

Based on the postulations outlined above, the Austroasiatic Mon-Khmer numeral for '2' may share a remote common root with Vietnamese hai. A similar phenomenon can be observed in Chinese. For example, 分 fēn (SV phân) means 'division' or 'portion', 半 bàn (SV bán) means 'half', 掰 bāi (SV bai, VS bẻ) denotes "to break apart with both hands" or "to split into two halves," and 拜 bài (SV bái, VS vái) refers to "praying with two hands pressed together." The Vietnamese /haj/ for "two" (SV nhị) could plausibly derive from the High Chinese form /nhej/ for 二 èr /ə:/.

In addition, Chinese provides a range of related concepts tied to the notion of "two": "second" 二 èr (SV nhị, VS nhì), "twin" 雙 shuāng (SV song, VS cặp), "pair" 對 duì (SV đôi), "couple" 倆 liăng (SV lưỡng, VS lứa), and "twice, again" 再 zài (SV tái, VS hai, lại). These examples illustrate the semantic breadth of the dual concept across Chinese and Vietnamese, as further noted in the following discussion.

For number 1 to 10 in all Sino-Tibetan languages, let us review some etyma of what we found with their cardinal numbers in Shafer's list as follows:

• 1 to 10 [ OB g-tśig 1, g-nyis 2, g-sum 3, b-źi 4, l-ńa < *b-l-ńa 5, d-rug 6, b-dun 7, b-rgyad 8, d-gu 9, b-tśu 10 ] (Shafer, pp. 21-23, 29-33, 37, 41, 56)
• 1 'một' [ M yī 一 ʾit, M Bur. ʾatś, Siamese ʾět_3 || **** Note: cf. the Vietnamese ordinal number: SV 'nhất' /ɲɐt7/ vs. VS 'một' /mot8/ ]
• 2 'hai' [ M èr 二 nyi\, O Bur. *k-in-hnis, M Bur. hnatś, Luśei hniʾ, Kapwi ka-ni, Aimol ăn-ni, Purum ă-ni, Kom ǐ-hni, Anal ă-hni, Śo hni\, Yawdwin, Tśinbok hni, S. Khami ni, Maram hań-na, Kabui (Si) kă-hnai, Kabui (Mc) kă-nai, Khoirao (Mc) hań-nai, Sopvama ka-hē, Śongge a-nai, Siamese yī\1, Lao nī_ || **** Note: VS ordinal number 'nhì' /ɲhej2/ (second); SV 'nhị' /ɲhej6/} vs. VS 'hai' /haj1/ (two), also, Vietnamese Central subdialect 'huơ' /hwə1/ vs. modern M èr /ə:4/ ]
• 3 'ba' [ M sān 三 sām, O Bur. *k-in-tʿum\, S. Khami tʿuń, Ukhrul, Khoirao kʿă-tʿum, Phadang, Kupome, Khunggoi ka-tʿum, Rengma ke-śan, Tengima, Kehena se, Kwoireng sam, Chin sām-, Siamese sām/ || **** Note: VS ordinal number: SV 'tam' /tam1/ vs. VS cardinal 'ba' /ɓa1/ (cf. Hainanese /ta1/, M 仨 sā). Also, Vietnamese variation /băm-/ in tens as in "35"="bămnhăm"="bămlăm"="balăm", cf. Hainnanese /ta1tap8lan2/. ]
• 4 'bốn' [ M sī 四 si\, OB bźi < *bźli, Siamese sī_1, M Bur. le\, Luśei li || Archaic West Bodish dialects Sbalti bźi, Burig zbźi (p. 78), West Himalayish languages Kanauri pö, Buman, Themor, Mantśati, Almora pi, Jangali pari (p. 134), West Central and East Himal. Dumi bʿyal, Khaling bʿal, Rai bʿalu, Thulung bli (p. 152) || Shafer: The only indication of primitive prefix b- being preserved are in the word "four" in certain dialects: Thulung bli, Tśaurasya pʿi, Dumi bʿyal, Khaling bʿal Rai bʿalu compared with OB bźi < *bźli. (p. 157) while in Northern Assam Taying kă-prei, Midu ka-pi having the ka- prefixes which are preserved from a Kukish *k- ancient prefix has been lost in other Tibeto-Burmic languages due to the following consonantal complex. (p. 186) Other N. Ass. languages: Kukish b-n-d'li\, Miśing, Abor a-pi, Yano, C. Nyising a-pli, E. Nyising a-pl, Apa Tanang pulyi (p. 193), Old Kukish Lamgang, Anal p-il-li (p. 252), Mara, Tlongsai, Sabeu -pali (p. 267), Luhupha Branch Kukish *b-n-dʿli\, Tśungli pezo, Longla pʿé-zé, Monsen 'pʿé-li, Khari pa-li, Tśangki pʿé-li, Tengsa pʿa-l4, Rong fă-li, Hlota mě-zú (p. 304), Dayang, Zumomi bi-di, Keźma pedi, Imenai pa-di (p. 305), Tśairelish, Andro pi-, Sak pri, Kadu pi- (p. 396), Melam a-bli, Khanang ă-bri, Meklam -bə-li (p. 400) | Baric Garo bri, Atong bǐ-ri, Ruga -bri, Tipora brui, Bodo broi, Metś bre, Dimasa biri, Mośang băli, Namsangia běli (p. 441) || *** Note: VS ordinal number SV tứ /tɪ5/ ~ 'tư' /tɪ1/ (fourth) vs. VS cardinal 'bốn' (four) in comparison of all the Sino-Tibetan etymologies cited above for this item "4". ]
• 5 'năm' [ M wǔ 五 *ńo/ < *ńa ~ OB lńa < Sino-Tibetan *p-l-ńa, Bahing, Tableng ńa, Burmese na\, Luśei ńa\, Dwags liańe, Anal pă-ńa, Purum, Kohlreng, Kom ră-ńa, Lamgang pă-ră-ńa, Abor pǐ-la-ńǒ, Needham p-l-ń@, Siamese hā\ || Southern Bodish Lhoskad, Śarpa ńa (p. 91), Eastern dialects Khams lńa (p. 111), Dwags liańe (p. 115), other Bod. languages Tsangla ńa (p. 117), Gurung, Murmi, Thaksya ńa (p. 123), W. Himal. lang. Bunan, Themor ńa-1, Almora ńa-ii (p.134), Minor group Dhimal na (p. 166), OK Mara -pəna¯ (p. 267) | Baric Garo, Awe bri, Abeng biri, Bodo broi, Metś -bre, Dimasa biri, Hojai -bri, Wanang bri, Atong bǐ ri, bərəi, Ruga -bri (p. 428) || *** Note: VS ordinal number 'năm' as in 'thứnăm' (fifth) vs. SV ngũ /ɲou4/ as in 'đệngũ' 第五 dìwǔ. Also, in Vietnamese there are variations in posterior position when '5' is used in tens, that is, '-nhăm', '-lăm', e.g., "25"="hămnhăm"="hămlăm"="hailăm". Cf. 廿 niàn ="hăm-" (20); Hainanese /-lan2/ ]
• 6 'sáu' [ M līu 六 luk, O Bur. *t-r1uk, M Bur. kʿ-rok, Kukish *t-r2-uk, Luśei ruk, Mara tśa-ru, Tlongsai tśa-ru (=8?), Maram să-ŕuk, Kwoireng tśă-ruk, Empeo (S) su-ruk, Tengima sǔ-ru, Kehena sě-r@, Chin. luk (the initial *r- < Ch. l-) (p. 32), Old Kukish Sabeu -tśa-ru, Miram -tsə-ŕu(ʾ)-, Lailenpi -tsəŕuʾ\, Lothu tsər(v)ị\ (p. 268), Meithlei tă-ruk (p. 280), Luhupa Branch Rengma se-ŕo, Keźma sa-ŕ, Imemai tśo-ro, Zumomi tso-ɣa, Dayang tsu-gwo, Tśakrima su-ru (p. 298), Tengima su-ru, also Zumomi so-ɣoʿ (p. 320) | Shafer: If the occlusive of *t- prefix had come into direct contact with the r in the Kukish and proto-Chinese words for 'six', as its phonetic correspondent d- does in Old Bodish drug 'six', we should have had Luśei ţuk instead of the ruk we find and perhaps Chin. t'uk instead of luk. (p.32) | Karenic Pwo tśu38, Sinhma sot, Thangthu sʿu (p. 423) || (Haudricourt) Daic *tśr@k, Siamese h@k, Lao, Shan, Tay noir, Tay Blanc, Nung hok, Tho sok, Dioi rok, Sui lyok, Mak, Bê lok (p. 504) || *** Note: VS ordinal number 'sáu' as in 'thứsáu' (sixth) vs. SV lục /luwk8/ as in 'đệlục' 第六 dìlìu. ]
• 7 'bảy' [ M qī 七 tśʿit, Kharao tśă-ri, Siamese tśěţ_3 || A W. Bod. Sbalti bdun, Burig ŕdun (p. 78) || * Note: V ordinal number: SV 'thất' /t'ɐt7/ as in 'đệthất' (seventh) vs. VS 'thứbảy' ]
• 8 'tám' [ M bā 八 pat, O Bur. *t-r1iat, Luśei rat, M Bur. hratś, Tarao ti-rit6, Langang tǐ-ret, Amal tă-rik, Tlongsai tśa-ru (=6?), S. and N. Khaimi tă-ya, Hlota ti-za, Tśungli ti10 || A W. Bod. Sbalti bgyad, Burig ŕgyad, -pgyad, -bgyad (p. 78), W. Himal. lang. Kukish t-rkyat?, Almora dźyad (p. 136), Norther Branch *tə-ryat, Matupi -Xŗēt (p. 251), OK Kukish *t-r1iat, Meithlei tă-rēt (p. 284) | Baric Garo, Abeng, Wanang tśet, Atong tśat- Ruga -tśet, Tipora tśa, Bodo źat, Mets dźat, Dimosa, Hojai dźa, Mośang tă-tśat, Sangge ta-tśat, Mulung tʿutʿ, Angwanku tat, Tśang sat (pp. 437, 438) || ** Note: V ordinal number: SV bát /ɓat7/ vs. cardinal VS 'tám' ]
• 9 'chín' [ M jǐu 九 kǔ/, O Bur. *t-kua, M Bur. kui\, Siamese ko\2, Luśei kua, Mara tśa-ki, Urkhrul tśǐ-ko, Phadang tśǐ-ku | Baric Garo sku, Wanang dźu, Atong tśiku, Ruga -sku, Tipora tśuku, Bodo sʿko, Metś sku (p. 441) || *** Note: V ordinal number: SV cửu /kɪw3/ vs. cardinal VS 'chín' ]
• 10 'mười' [ M shí 十 || A W. Bod. Sbalti pʿtśu, Burig śtśu (p. 78) || ** Note: V ordinal number: SV thập /t'ɐp/, VS 'chục' /tśuwk8/ ]
• 20 'hăm' [ Baric Muthun tśa, Angwanku ta, Tśang ha (p. 438) || ** Note: 廿 niàn VS 'hăm' (SV nhập) ]
• 100 'trăm' 'hundred' [ OB brgya, M Bur. -rya ( Bur.) || Other Bod. languages: Gurung, Thaksya bʿra (p. 123) || ** Note: VS /ʈɐm1/, cf. '一刀 草 紙' Yīdāo căo zhǐ: VS 'mộttrăm tờgiấy' (one hundred sheets of paper). ]

and, as complements to the postulation of V 'bốn' (4) and 'bảy' (7) note the comment made by Shafer for the 2 numbers distance themselves from those known Chinese articulation and tend to approach those of the Karenic language:

"We may have traces of other labial prefixes in the Karenic words for 'four' and 'seven' both of which have 'infixed' w which is not found in other Sino-Tibetan languages. But a b- prefix found in both these words in Old Bodish. Consequently we may legitimately inquire whether or not there is some connection between the infixed w in these words in Karenic and the b- prefix in Old Bodish."

"From Old Bodish bźi four, Dwags pli, Gurung bʿli, vli, etc. I have tentatively reconstructed Bodish bźli and from the Kukish languages the Kukish reconstruction *b-n-d'li\. Actually I can only say that the prefix in this word was a labial which differed from *m- and *p- prefixes. It may have been *v- and *w-, and the Karenic form, let us say *vli, the prefix dropping in Pwo and Bräʾ li and through metathesis becoming lwi in Sgaw and in most of other Karenic languages."

"A more daring suggestion to account for O. B. bdun 'seven' – in most other Tibeto-Burmic languages *s-Nis, but *nwi in Karenic – is that the form for 'seven' something like *sibdunis which with an accent *sibdúnis became O. B. *bdun. The combination sbd cannot occur in Old Bodish, and when some phoneme had to give way in Old Bodish it seems to have been the first: Sino-Tibetan *m-lt'ei tongue, O. B. ltśe, Sino-Tibetan *p-l-ŋa O. B. lŋa. But when the accent was *sibdunís, we may infer the development *sibunís > *siwunís >* sinwis Karenic *nwi and the *sibdunís – *sunís > *s-Nis in the majority of Tibeto-Burmic languages. Metathesis has frequently preserved consonants that otherwise would have dropped, as is particularly clear in Bodish dialects, and we may infer a similar preservation in these words in Karenic."

For our purpose, as we would certainly run into all the difficulties unsettled with the Sino-Tibetan numerical forms /b-/, /w-/, /m-/, etc., as noted above, the Sino-Tibetan numerical cognates in Vietnamese are challenged by the likeness among those Vietnamese and Mon-Khmer cardinal numbers despite of the fact that the Mon-Khmer numbers overall are based on the system of five and in both Old and Modern Khmer there exist portions of populated loans from Thai counting system, namely,

• 10 dɔp (cf. SV 'thập', VS 'chục'),
• 20 mphei (cf. SV 'nhịthập', VS 'haichục'),
• 30 sa:msɤp (cf. SV 'tamthập', VS 'bachục'),
• 40 saesɤp (cf. SV 'tứthập', VS 'bốnchục'),
• 50 ha:sɤp (cf. SV 'ngũthập', VS 'nămchục'),
• 60 hoksɤp (cf. SV 'lụcthập', VS 'sáuchục'),
• 70 cɤtsɤp (cf. SV 'thấtthập', VS 'bảychục'),
• 80 paetsɤp (cf. SV 'bátthập', VS 'támchục'),
• 90 kausɤp (cf. SV 'cửuthập', VS 'chínchục'),
• 100 roy (cf. SV 'bách', VS 'trăm'),
• 1000 pean (cf. SV 'thiên', VS 'ngàn'),
• 10000 mɤ:n (cf. SV 'vạn', VS 'muôn'),

which in turn clearly were derived from those of Chinese, that is, Chinese > Thai > Khmer. With the whole counting system standing on one foot, one may wonder why the Vietnamese numerical system is the ten-based one.

Meanwhile, for the Vietnamese ordinal numbers that count on Chinese for the concept of 1st (nhất 一 yī ~ SV nhất), 2nd (nhì 二 èr ~ SV nhị), 3rd (ba 仨 sā ~ SV tam), and 4th (tư 四 sì ~ SV tứ) and so on as they have been in active usage, we can also take into consideration of all other related counting concepts such as

• 'chục' 十 shí 'tens' [ M 十 shí (SV thập) < MC dʑip < OC *ɡjub 
• 'mười' [ <~ 'mươi' <~ 十 shí ~ 'mươi' {/m-/ + /-wj/ <~  /m- ~ -wk/ <~ 'mộtchục' 一十 yīshí ​(nhấtthập)'}/. Cf. Sound interchange ¶ /ch- ~ m-/: 吵 chăo, miāo, 'VS chùachiềng' 寺廟 sìmiào (SV tựmiếu) \ 廟 miào ~ VS 'chiềng', cf. 朝 zhāo (SV chiêu), ¶ /m- ~ ch-/ || M 一 yī, yí, yì, yāo < MC ʔjit < OC *qliɡ ]
• 'trăm' 百 băi 'hundreds' [ cf. 一刀草紙 yīdāo căo zhǐ: VS 'mộttrăm tờgiấy' (one hundred sheets of paper). ],
• 'ngàn' 千 qiān 'thousands',
• 'vạn' 萬 wàn 'ten-thousands',
• 'triệu', 兆 zhào 'million' [ cf. modern Chinese 一百萬 yībăiwàn (1 million) ],
• 'ức', 'ý' 億 yì 'hundred billion' [ cf. modern Chinese 一億 yīyì (100 billion) ],
• 'tỷ' 秭 zǐ 'billion' [ cf. modern Chinese 十億 shíyì (1 trillion) ], respectively,

and


• số 數 shù (numbers),
• đếm 點 diăn (count),
• tính 算 suàn (calculate),
• cộng 共 gòng (add),
• trừ 除 chú ('subtract' in modern Chinese it means 減 jiăn, though, while 除 chú actually is 'divide' in Chinese but becomes 'chia' 支 zhī in Vietnamese; cf. 分支 fēnzhī: SV 'phânchi'),
• nhân 乘 chéng (multiply),
• mộtvài 一切 yīqiè (a few),
• haiba 再三 zàisān (literally, twice and thrice, again and again),
• nămbalượt 三番五次 sānfānwǔcì (literally 'thrice and five times', several times),

including the following ordinal concepts of days of the week:


• 'Chúanhật' 主日 zhǔrì (Sunday) [ Also, VS 'Chủnhật', literally, 'the Day of the Lord', the same concept as in Chinese in modern Mandarin. The day is masked under the associative form 周日 zhōurì (SV châunhật), Cantonese 禮拜日 lǐbàiirì /lej4bai1jaht8/ (literally, VS 'ngàylễbái', or 'Day of Ceremonial Prayers')],
• 'thứhai' 周二 zhōu'èr in Vietnamese that is the second day of the week after 'Chủnhật' (or 'Chúanhật' 主日 zhǔrì, 'Sunday'). Meanwhile, in the Chinese language the first day of the week starts with 周一 zhōuyī for 'Monday', and 周二 zhōu'èr is 'Tuesday' and so on, but remember that the 7-day week concept is relatively recently as opposed 'tuần' 旬 xún 'period of 10 days' and 'tuần' means 'week' in Vietnamese,
• 'thứba' 周三 zhōusān (Tuesday),
• 'thứtư' 周四 zhōusì (Wednesday),
• 'thứnăm' 周五 zhōuwǔ (Thursday)
• 'thứsáu' 周六 zhōulìu (Friday)
• 'thứbảy' 周七 zhōuqī (Saturday),

as well as the months, e.g.,


• 一月 yīyuè ('thángmột' or the first month of Lunar calendar),
• 二月 èryuè ('thánghai' or the second month),
• 三月 sānyuè ('thángba' or the third month),
• 四月 sānyuè ('thángtư' or the fourth month), etc.,

including those peculiar names such as


• 'thánggiêng' 正月 zhēngyuè or 元月 yuányuè (the first month of the lunar calendar, or 'January'),
• 'ngàyrằmthángtám' 八月十五 bàyuèshíwǔ (full moon of the eigth month of the lunar calendar, of 'Moon Festival day'),
• 'thángchạp' 臘月 làyuè (the twelth month of lunar calendar, or 'December'),
• 'bamươithángchạp' 臘月三十 làyuèsānshí (the thirtieth day of the twelth month of the lunar calendar or 'Lunar New Year Eve'), etc.,

respectively, it is apparently that all those words are modified loanwords from similar concepts in the Chinese language.

Grammatically, Vietnamese numerical usage diverges sharply from the Mon-Khmer five-based system, revealing fundamental differences in numerical arrangement. In Khmer, for example, when a number functions as a classifier or lexical coefficient, it is typically placed after the modified noun, whereas in Vietnamese it must precede the noun. This syntactic contrast underscores how Mon-Khmer numerical usage departs from the supposed common ground of cognacy in the numerals 1 to 5.

It is not we who have exaggerated the etymological significance of Vietnamese numerals 1 to 5 as deriving from a Mon-Khmer stock. Such emphasis originated with scholars in the Austroasiatic camp, who sought to attach genetic importance to these correspondences in order to argue for a Mon-Khmer–Vietnamese affinity. Yet this does not oblige us to accept the Mon-Khmer theorization at face value, especially without considering the syntactic differences in numerical usage between Vietnamese and Mon-Khmer languages.

As a sidenote, the English numerical system originally developed around twelve counting numbers, with the additional forms eleven and twelve. This duodecimal tendency is also reflected in other measures, such as twelve inches equaling one foot, and in the Julian calendar, where the names of the ninth through twelfth months—September, October, November, and December—literally mean the seventh, eighth, ninth, and tenth months.

    French, by contrast, preserves a different pattern shaped by the Roman numerical system. From 11 to 16, French employs a fused base-sixteen sequence: onze (11), douze (12), treize (13), quatorze (14), quinze (15), seize (16). Beyond that, the system continues analytically with dix-sept (17), dix-huit (18), dix-neuf (19), and so forth. These forms derive directly from High Latin. Yet, amusingly, French—like English—still uses septembre, octobre, novembre, and décembre to designate the same months, even though their names no longer align numerically with their positions in the calendar.

For Vietnamese speakers, the most natural framework for numbers is the ten-based, or decimal, system. This intuitive orientation coincides with and conforms to the Chinese numerical mindset. As a result, the adoption of Sino-centric ordinal numbers such as nhất, nhị, tam, tứ, ngũ, lục, thất, bát, cửu, thập (1st to 10th) has been both natural and widespread. These forms have long coexisted in mixed usage alongside the native Vietnamese counting system một, hai, ba, bốn, năm, sáu, bảy, tám, chín, mười (1 to 10). The two systems cross-reference one another, as seen in pairs such as nhì vs. nhị, tư vs. tứ, and chục vs. thập.

This dual system is not unique to Vietnamese. The same Chinese-derived numerical framework has also been widely adopted in Japanese and Korean, where it coexists with native numerals to mutual advantage. Vietnamese, in parallel, has maintained both systems productively, drawing on each according to context.

In contrast, the Mon-Khmer peoples developed a counting system fundamentally based on five digits, a framework deeply embedded in their linguistic and cultural mindset. For them, the five-counting system appeared more natural and logical than any alternative. It is therefore unlikely that they would have borrowed an additional half of the ten-digit set to extend their system, and in fact, they did not.

Such a five-based scheme, however, does not align with Vietnamese usage. The additive pattern of 5+1, 5+2, and so forth, which characterizes Khmer numeration for 6 to 9, has no parallel in Vietnamese. If Vietnamese speakers had been content with a five-digit system, as Mon-Khmer speakers were, they would not have needed to supplement their numerals with an external source. To do so would have imposed a significant cognitive burden, comparable to how we today perceive the binary system in computing: functional but requiring conversion into decimal form for intuitive comprehension.

If we accept the Mon-Khmer numeration theory, then Vietnamese speakers must initially have shared the same 1 to 5 set. Since the sub-set of 6 to 10 was absent, they would have had to borrow sáu through mười from another source, most plausibly Ancient Chinese, to complete their system. This implies that they never employed additive constructions such as 5+1, 5+2, 5+3, 5+4 for 6 through 9, as Khmer speakers still do with forms like bramuoy, brapir, brabei, and brabuon.

Alternatively, if we imagine a linguistic scenario in which the Vietnamese numerals for one through five were cognate with their Chinese counterparts, then the numeration of 6 to 10 would naturally have formed part of a complete decimal system from the outset. In this light, the extant ten-based Vietnamese system suggests that ancient Vietic speakers may already have possessed the full decimal set, unlike the Mon-Khmer speakers whose system remained five-based.

This fundamental difference explains the difficulty in reconciling the cognitive frameworks of the two groups. To assume that ancient Vietic speakers began with a five-based system and later borrowed 6 to 10 to construct a decimal system would be both implausible and inconsistent with the evidence. From a linguistic standpoint, the Vietnamese system appears to have been ten-based from the beginning, making the Mon-Khmer perspective both untenable and illogical. (U) 

If the ancient Annamese root had truly belonged to the same Mon-Khmer stock, both racially and linguistically, its speakers would have been able to function naturally within a five-based counting system. Otherwise, such a framework would have seemed illogical, just as it does when compared with other Mon-Khmer neighboring languages. These groups were likely the result of admixture between Proto-Vietmuong populations and earlier Mon-Khmer migrants from the southwest, in what is now the lower region of Laos (see Lacouperie [1887] 1963; Nguyen Ngoc San, 1993). Yet numerically, they employed the same decimal system as the Vietnamese (see Thomas, 1966; Luce, 1965).

This fact cannot be explained simply as the outcome of linguistic contact between Mon-Khmer speakers in the highlands and the Kinh in the lowlands, as suggested by Austroasiatic theorists. According to that hypothesis, Mon-Khmer speakers originally used only their first five cardinal numbers and later extended their system by adopting a borrowed subset of 6 to 10 from the Vietnamese decimal framework. Such a scenario, however, seems implausible, since the Cambodian-Khmer counting system remains cognitively rooted in a five-based structure, which has proven resistant to change.

Thus, we return to the starting point: at present, we are not in a position to prove this matter satisfactorily in terms of etymology. Nor, for that matter, have the Austroasiatic Mon-Khmer theorists themselves adequately accounted for the same issue. (M)

Having gone to considerable lengths to bring Sino-Tibetan etymologies into the discussion of Vietnamese basic vocabulary, the Sino-Tibetan camp is now in a stronger position to challenge the hypothesis of a Mon-Khmer origin for Vietnamese. Numerical correspondences represent only a fractional aspect of the linguistic base and cannot outweigh the broader etymological affinities between Vietnamese and Sino-Tibetan. If necessary, however, numerical evidence can still be employed to demonstrate phonemic affiliations between Vietnamese and Sino-Tibetan, including Chinese, as illustrated by Shafer’s data on the etymology of numbers 1 to 10.

To extend this argument, the following section attempts to build a numerical case through cross-reference. As noted, numeration is only a minor component of linguistic affinity. Whether or not this attempt proves persuasive, it does not alter the overall balance between Sino- and Sinitic-Vietnamese elements on the one hand and Austroasiatic Mon-Khmer elements on the other. In this respect, numbers are simply numbers: they cannot serve as decisive evidence for classifying Vietnamese as genetically Austroasiatic. Rather, the exploration of irregular sound change patterns in numerals may provide useful cues for linking Vietnamese forms to Sino-Tibetan or Chinese etymologies. Such an effort may also serve as groundwork for an analogical framework applicable to other sets of basic etyma, particularly those that form semantic chains within the same category.

From the perspective of historical phonology, if sufficient patterns of sound change can be identified across related words, typically more than six items within the same lexical category, then two possibilities arise: the etyma may share a common origin, or they may represent loans. By "origin" we mean words derived from the same root, while "loan" refers to borrowings, including those in the fundamental lexicon. Such cases, whether abstract or concrete, are well attested in the comparanda of Luce (1963) and Shafer (1970s), of which the data reveal plausible cognates across Chinese and other Sino-Tibetan languages.

Returning to the Sino-Tibetan hypothesis, the similarities are abundant, as Shafer’s listings demonstrate. This allows us to raise the question of the origin of the Vietnamese numerals sáu (6) through mười (10), and subsequently to revisit một (1) through ba (3). In any case, it is reasonable to suspect that Chinese numerals share lexical connections with their Vietnamese counterparts, connections that merit closer attention. (T)

Let us examine these patterns:

1. 六 lìu 'six' sáu [ M 六 lìu, lù, líu < MC luwk < OC *rug | FQ 力竹 | Etymology: According to Starostin, for *rh- cf. Jianyang so8, Shaowu su7. Shafer: Old Tibetan *drug, Middle Burmese *kʿrok, Lusei ruk || **** Note: ¶ /l- ~ s-/ is a common pattern with Chinese and Vietnamese correspondences, Ex. 力 lì (SV lực): VS 'sức' (strength), 蓮 lián (SV liên): VS 'sen' (lotus), etc., and the notable correspondence is the rounded labial ending /-w/ which suggests some timeframe very near, less than 1,000 years perhaps? || See elaboration below and more of Sino-Tibetan etymologies in the Shafer's list above. ],
2. 七 qī 'seven' bảy [ M 七 (柒) qī < MC tsʰit < OC *sn̥ʰid | FQ 親吉 || ** Note: Like Mandarin, most of other Chinese dialects are no longer retaining the final /-t/. See more of Sino-Tibetan etymologies in the Shafer's discussion above on O. B. bdun 'seven' to postulate the possible change for the interchange ¶ /q-(S-) ~ b-(P-)/, a common correspondence between Vietnamese and Mandarin, e.g., 巨 jù: SV 'cự', VS 'bự' (big), 耜 sì: SV 'cử', VS 'bừa' (plow), etc. (Compare the elaboration below on 三 sān: VS ba, 'three', 四 sì: VS bốn, 'four'). For the ending interchange ¶ /-t ~ -j/, hence, /-k ~ -j/, Bernhard Karlgren in his Word Families in Chinese (1933. pp. 25-32 ) established some correspondences form Archaic Chinese > Ancient Chinese > Middle Chinese > Modern Chinese (Mandarin) with which we can easily map them to Vietnamese sounds, e.g, 死 sǐ = SV 'tử', VS 'chết' (die) , 水 shuǐ =SV 'thuỷ', VS 'nước' (water), 尸 shǐ = SV 'thi' /t'ej1/, VS 'thây' (corpse), 屎 shǐ = SV 'thử', VS 'cức' (feces)', etc. (Refer to Sino-Tibetan etymologies in the Shafer's list above and Table 1 in Chapter 8.) ],
3. 八 bā 'eight’ tám [ M 八 bā < MC pɯæt < OC *pre:d | FQ 博拔 || Etymology: Per Shafer, Old Tbetan *brgyad, Middle Burmese *hrats, Lusei riat, Sbalti bgyad, Burig rgyad. || ** Note: ¶ /b- ~ t-/ is a common interchange between Vietnamese and Mandarin, for example, 便 biàn ~ SV 'tiện' (convenient), 彼 bǐ ~ VS 'đó' (that), 必 bì ~ SV 'tất', 比如 birù ~ SV 'tỷdụ' (example), 道 dào ~ VS 'bảo' (tell). Besides, Shaanxi dialect call 爸 bā as 'tā' (dad). (See more of Sino-Tibetan etymologies in the Shafer's list above.) ],
4. 九 jǐu 'nine’ chín [ M  九 jǐu, jīu, qíu (cửu, cưu) < MC kuw < OC *kuʔ || Note: See more of Sino-Tibetan etymologies in the Shafer's list above. ],
5. 十 shí ‘ten’ mười [ Also, VS 'chục' | M 十 shí < MC dʑip < OC *ɡjub || Note: See more of Sino-Tibetan etymologies in the Shafer's list above. ]

Let us examine some corresponding patterns for those numbers:

1) ¶ { L- ~ S- } class correspondences – liquid and fricative interchanges – are numerous:

• 蠟 là (wax) ~ SV sáp,
• 臘 là (the 12th month in lunar clendar) ~ SV chạp,
• 藍 lán (indigo) ~ VS chàm,
• 郎 láng (man) ~ VS chàng [ M 郎 (郞) láng, làng < MC laŋ < OC *ra:ŋ ],
• 浪 làng (wave) ~ VS sóng [ M 浪 làng, láng, lăng, làn < MC laŋ < OC *ra:ŋ, *ra:ŋs],
• 愣 lèng (stupefied) ~ VS sửng,
• 力 lì (force) ~ VS sức,
• 理 lǐ (texture) ~ VS sớ,
• 犁 lí (plow) ~ VS xới [ M 犁 (犂) lí < MC liej < OC *rəj ],
• 亮 liàng (bright, pretty) ~ VS sáng, xinh [ M 亮 liàng < MC lɨaŋ < OC *raŋs | Hainanese /siaŋ/ | Cf. 浪 *ra:ŋs, 景 *kraŋʔ (bright), 爽 *sraŋʔ (bright, dawn) which appear to be doublets. ],
• 螺 luó (clam) ~ VS sò [ M 螺 luó < MC lwa < OC *ro:l ],
• 蓮 lián (lotus) ~ VS sen [ M 蓮 lián < MC lian, len < OC *re:n, *renʔ ],
• 率 lǜ (rate) ~ SV suất,
• 羅 luó (net fishing) ~ SV chài,
• 鼻梁 bíliáng (bridge of the nose) ~ VS sóngmũi,
• 風浪 fēnglàng (stormy waves) ~ VS sónggió,
• 榴槤 líulián (durian) ~ VS sầuriêng [ Note: Both modern Chinese and Vietnamese share the same Malayan root 'durian' (duri = 'thorn') dated some time in the 16th century.],

etc., and the reverse, i.e., the { S- ~ L- }. The { S- } class includes those fricatives and affricates { j-, q-, x-, sh-, c-, ch-, zh-,...}. This sound change pattern correspondences are plentiful as well:


• 綢 chóu (silk) ~ VS lụa,
• 叢 cóng (bush) ~ VS lùm [ M 叢 cóng < MC tsuŋ < OC *tsoŋ | ¶ /c- ~ l-/ ],
• 久 jǐu (long time) ~ VS lâu,
• 撿 jiăn (pick up) ~ VS lượm,
• 潛 qián (submerge, furtive) ~ VS lặn [ Also, VS 'lén', 'lẫn', 'lánh' (hide) | M 潛 qián < MC dziam < OC *zlom, *zloms | ¶ /q- ~ l-, ng-/ (OC */d- ~ l-/) | cf. 潛逃 qiántăo (SV tiềmđào) ~ VS 'lẫntrốn', # 'trốnlánh' (to hide away) ],
• 刷 shuā (rub) ~ SV loát [ VS 'chà', Ex. 印刷 yìnshuā (ấnloát) ],
• 鄉 xiāng (village) ~ SV làng,
• 翔 xiáng (glide) ~ VS lạng [ Also, VS 'lượn' ],
• 心 xīn (heart) ~ VS lòng,
• 長 zhăng (grow) ~ VS lớn,
• 澤 zé (swamp) ~ VS lầy,
• 擇 zé (select) ~ VS lựa [ M 擇 zé, zhái < MC ɖajk < OC *ɫhak, *rla:g | ¶ /z- ~ l-/ ],

etc.

2) ¶ { Q-(zh-, ch-, c-, s-, x-, j-...) ~ B-(p-, ph-...) } (affricate, fricative, and labial interchanges) :         Words with these patterns are similar to those of 三 sān for VS ba (three) and 四 sì for VS bốn (four) as speculated based on Shafer's comments regarding { OB bźi < *bźli }.

• 池 chí (pool) ~ VS bể [ M 池 chí, chè, tuó < MC da, ɖjiə̆ < OC *l'al, *l'a:l ],
• 津 jīn (river bank) ~ VS bến [ M 津 jīn < MC tsin < OC *ʔslin ],
• 七 qī (seven) ~ VS bảy,
• 三 sān (three) ~ VS ba,
• 嫂 săo (sister) ~ VS bậu [ M 嫂 (㛮) sǎo (tẩu) < MC saw < OC *saw, *suːwʔ || Note: VS 'bậu' is more likely derived from 妹 mèi: SV 'muội' (younger siter), though. SV 'tẩu' ~ VS 'bậu' so posited because there is a usage in modern Mandarin that a man may want call a woman as 'săo', 'asăo' 阿嫂, or 'săozi' 嫂子, similar to the English 'miss', which is in the same connotation as that in Vietnamese. So it is noted here to demonstrate the capacity of possible interchange between Mandarin 嫂 săo and VS 'bậu'. ],
• 曬 shài (sun dry) ~ VS 'phơi' ~ 'sấy' [ M 曬 (晒) shài, shī < MC ʂai, ʂaɨj < OC *srels, *sreːls ],
• 扇 shàn (fan) ~ SV phiến [ M 扇 shān, shàn (thiên, phiến, thiến) < MC ɕiɛn, ɕian < OC *hljen, *hljens | FQ 式連 || Also, SV 'thiên', 'thiến' ],
• 煽 shān (to fan) ~ SV phiến [ M 煽 shān, shàn < MC ɕian < OC *hljen, *hljens],
• 商 shāng (trade) ~ VS buôn [ M 商 shāng < MC ʂaŋ < OC *taŋ | ¶ /sh- ~ b-/ || Ex. 商人 shāngrén: VS 'conbuôn' (merchant) ],
• 筮 shì (divination) ~ SV phệ [ M 筮 shì, yì < MC tʂej < OC *dhats || Also, SV 'thệ' ],
• 四 sì (four) ~ VS bốn [ M 四 sì < MC sjɨ < OC *slhijs ],
• 耜 sì (plough) ~ VS bừa [ M 耜 sì (SV tỷ, cử) < MC zjɨ < OC *lhǝʔ ],
• 艘 sōu (large boat) ~ VS bầu [ M 艘 sōu < MC səw < OC *suːw, *sɯːw || Ex. 艘船 sōuchuán: VS 'ghebầu' (freighter) ],
• 餿 sōu (distasteful) ~ VS bựa [ 餿 sōu < MC ʂuw < OC *sru ],
• 小 xiăo (little) ~ VS bé [ M 小 xiăo < MC siaw < OC *smewʔ || cf. 微 wéi (SV vi)' \ ¶ w- ~ nh-, b- ],
• 渣 zhá (dregs) ~ VS bã, etc.

and the invert of labial and affricate interchanges {P- (b-...)} ~ {S- (ch-...)}:


• 疤 bā (scar) ~ VS sẹo [ M 疤 bā < MC pa < OC *pra: ],
• 板 băn (floor) ~ VS sàn [ M 板 băn < MC pɑn < OC *pra:nʔ ],
• 比 bǐ (compare) ~ VS so,
• 並 bìng (parallel with) ~ VS sánh [ cf. 並肩 bìngjiǎn (VS sánhvai, 'side by side'), 並行 pìngxíng: VS 'songhành' \ @ 並 pìng ~ 雙 shuāng \ ¶ /p- ~ s-/,]
• 怕 pà (afraid) ~ VS sợ [ M 怕 pà, pò, bó < MC pʰaɨ < OC *pʰraːɡ, *pʰraːɡs ],
• 派 pài (dispatch) ~ VS sai [ M 派 pài < MC phaj < OC *phre:ks | cf. 差 chāi: SV 'sai' (depatch) ],
• 聘 pìng (betroth) ~ SV sính [ M 聘 pìng, pìn < MC phjiaŋ < OC *phjiaŋh ],
• 別 bié (do not) ~ VS chớ [ M 別 bié, biè < MC biat, piat < OC *bred, *pred || Note: 別 bié is a contraction of 不要 búyào, to be exact. ],

etc., and these shifting patterns, naturally, appear internally in the Chinese language:


• 騁 chéng (gallop) (cf. 娉 pìng) ~ SV sính, VS phóng,
• 秤 chéng (steelyard) (cf. 平 píng) ~ SV bình, VS cân,
• 津 jīn (river bank) (cf. 筆 bǐ) ~ SV tân, VS bến,
• 走 zǒu (run) ~ 跑 păo (modern Mand.), VS chạy,
• 霄 xiāo (vault of sky) ~ SV tiêu; also, 霄 reads báo, bó, VS bầu, as in 'bầutrời'.

The same pattern also appears in dissyllabic forms:

• 并肩 bìngjiān (shoulder by shoulder) ~ VS sánhvai,
• 比方 bǐfāng (compare) ~ VS sosánh,
• 比肩 bǐjiān (side by side) ~ VS sátcánh,
• 並非 bìngfēi (do not) ~ VS chẳngphải,
• 傍晚 bángwăn (dusk) ~ VS chạngvạng,
• 分享 fēnxiăng (share) ~ VS chiasớt,
• 聘禮 pìnglǐ (betroth) ~ SV sínhlễ,
• 起源 qǐyuán (originate) ~ VS bắttnguồn,
• 起頭 qǐtóu (start) ~ VS bắtđầu,

etc.

The intermediate patterns { /s-/ ~ /t-/ } and { /q-/ ~ /th-/ } are acting agents { t-(th-...) ~ b-(p-, ph-) } for the Chinese 七 qī and SV thất to change into 'bảy' /bej3/ (seven) as speculated through the invert pattern { B(p)- ~ T(th)- }, that uniformly occurred in the process of sound change from Middle Chinese to Vietnamese in the 10th century. Speculation of 'ba' ~ 'tam', 'bốn' ~ 'tứ', and 'bảy' ~ 'thất' will be illustrated in the list below, including dissyllabic words.

• 甭 béng (do not) ~ VS đừng,
• 碰 pèng (collide) ~ VS đụng,
• 嫖 piáo (intercourse) ~ VS đéo[ Cantonese /tjew3/ ],
• 婊 biăo (whore) ~ VS đĩ,
• 笨 bèn (stupid) ~ VS đần,
• 匹 pǐ (mate) ~ SV thất [ M 匹 (疋) pǐ, pī < MC pʰit < OC *pʰid ],
• 必 bì (have to) ~ SV tất [ VS 'phải' (must, have) | M 必 bì < MC pjit < OC *plig ],
• 比 bǐ (compare) ~ SV tỉ [ Also, VS 'so' ],
• 譬 pì (compare) ~ SV thí [ ex. 譬如 pìrú: SV 'thídụ' (for instance) ],
• 頻 pín (channel) ~ SV tần,
• 幣 pì (currency) ~ SV tệ,
• 俾 bēi (inferior) ~ VS tệ[ SV tỳ | M 卑 bēi < MC pje < OC *pe  ],
• 鄙 pì (vile) ~ VS tệ,
• 卑 bèi (mediocre) ~ SV tì,
• 畢 bì (finish) ~ SV tốt[ M 畢 bì < MC pjit < OC *pit ],
• 濱 bīn (river bank) ~ SV tân,
• 賓 bīn (guest) ~ SV tân,
• 髮 fā (hair) ~ VS tóc ~ SV phát, bị,
• 道 dào (tell) ~ VS bảo [ SV đạo ],
• 燙 tàng (burnt) ~ VS bỏng [ SV thang ],
• 談 tán (discuss) ~ VS bàn [ SV đàm ],
• 投 tóu (put in) ~ VS bỏ [ SV đầu | M 投 tóu < MC dəw < OC *do: | Ex. 投票 tóupiào: VS 'bỏphiếu' (cast a ballot), 投資 tóuzī: VS 'bỏtiền' (invest) ], etc.

and, again, dissyllabic words,


• 劍柄 jiànbǐng (sword) ~ VS #thanhgươm,
• 奔波 bènbó (busy oneself for) ~ VS tấttả [ SV bônba | M 奔 (犇) bēn, bèn, fèn < MC puon < OC *pɯːn, *pɯːns | ¶ /-n ~ -t/ ],
• 圈套 quāntào (trap) ~ VS cạmbẫy,
• 突然 tùrán (suddenly) ~ VS bỗngdưng,

etc., all of which loosely give us the { t(h)- ~ p(h)- } correspondence that we need to establish the phonemic correlation of 'bảy' and 'thất'.

This type of analogy is questionable, nevertheless, particularly when we consider the cases of ba (three) and bốn (four). It seems that no well-defined correlation can be established between the Chinese and Vietnamese cardinal numbers, though parallels may be found in other Sino-Tibetan languages. (See Shafer’s discussion of four in his comment on the Sino-Tibetan form Old Bodish bźi.) We have also speculated about the origin of the Vietnamese bảy (seven), since it does not appear to derive from a decimal-based system. If bảy is not of Austroasiatic Mon-Khmer origin, then other numerals, such as ba and bốn, and possibly the rest, may likewise stem from different roots.

The only tentative evidence linking Vietnamese ba and Sino-Vietnamese tam (three) 三 sān is the correspondence between Vietnamese ba /ba1/ and Hainanese /ta1/, a small but suggestive clue preserved in a deep substratum. The sound pattern {B(p)- ~ T(th)-} (hence, {S- ~ B}) was a major feature in the reduction of 41 Middle Chinese initials into the 20 Sino-Vietnamese initials during the 10th century (Nguyen Ngoc San, 1993). If Chinese /sān/ and Vietnamese /ba1/ are indeed cognate, ba may have resulted from the loss of final -m and the shift of /s-/ (or alternately /t-/) to /b-/, or it may have evolved from an ancient Yue form, as reflected in Minnan varieties such as Hainanese. If Hainanese /ta1/ is accepted as a plausible cognate of Vietnamese ba /ba1/ (cf. Mandarin 仨 sā), then other Chinese isoglosses may reveal similar patterns. For example: Mandarin 山 shān ~ Hainanese /twa1/ vs. Sino-Vietnamese /san1/ ~ Sinitic-Vietnamese /non1/ > /nui5/ (mountain), and possibly đồi /doj2/ (hill), which illustrate two major interchange patterns: /sh- ~ n-/ and /n- ~ d-/, along with the shift /-n ~ -i/. 

Sound change patterns like /tam1/ > /ta1/ > /ba1/ are diverse, just like the case of "biết" (know). The V "biết" /bjet7/ is cognate to /bat7/ of the Minnan sub-dialects including Hainanese, Amoy, and Fukienese (明白 míngbai, míngbái \ Nh @ 明 míng ~ 'rõ', 'rành' | ¶ /m- ~ r-/, @ 白 băi ~ 'biết', 'mạch' ) and that in turn corresponds to /taj1/ 知 zhī (SV 'tri' /ʈej1/ => VS 'hay' /hej1/ as in haybiết 'be aware of').

If that is the case for ba, it is more likely that the form underwent a dissimilatory process in which a rounded final /-wm/ was transferred forward and labialized, eventually yielding /bw-/ and /ɓ-/ in later stages of Vietnamese internal development (cf. MC sam < som, Proto-C **/sawm/, Tibetan gsum, gsum-po, 'third'). In the Quảngnam sub-dialect, for example, tam1 is pronounced /towm1/ and ba1 as /bwa1/. The phenomenon of rounding transfer from a final labial to the corresponding initial is not uncommon, as noted by Baxter and later by Bodman (1980). If this line of reasoning holds, ba must be very archaic, predating even the emergence of the Kingdom of NamViệt.

The shift from Chinese labials to Vietnamese dentals has been observed and discussed by several linguists, including Maspero and Karlgren (1939), Arisaka Hideyo, Paul Nagel, Pulleyblank (1984), Nguyen Ngoc San (1993), and Nguyen Tai Can (2000). Pulleyblank summarized the process as follows: Vietnamese /t-/ derives from a chain of developments { /s-/ < /ts-/ < /psi-/ < /pci-/ }, effectively as if from /ts-/. Forrest (1958) attributed this to AC /pj-/, /bj-/ and the palatalization process that occurred before certain s-initial words were borrowed into Vietnamese. By extension, the reverse process /s-/ > /p-/ can also be deduced.

If the cases of bảy and ba are meaningful in this respect, then 四 sì (four), SV tứ [tɨj] ~ VS bốn, must have undergone a similar process. (See Shafer’s elaboration on four in his comments on the Sino-Tibetan form Old Bodish bźi.)

3) If the cases of ba, bốn, bảy are correct, tám should fit into the same corresponding pattern { /b-/ ~ /t-/ } as well.

4) The pattern { j-(z-, q-) ~ ch- } seems to justify the case by itself: Chinese 九 jǐu ~ Vietnamese 'chín' (nine). In fact, the corresponding pattern is easy to find: 煎 jiān ~ 'chiên' (fry); 走 zǒu ~ 'chạy' (run), 足 zú ~ 'chân' (foot); 焦 jiāo ~ 'cháy' (burnt), 緊 jǐn ~ 'chặc' (tight), 正 zhèng ~ 'chính' (main), etc.

5) { S(h)- (x-, q-, z-) ~ m- } interchange is not rare if we examine OC intitials */s-/, */sh-/ that had given rise to MC /m-/ from the Western Han period. W. South Coblin (1982. pp 126,127) noted the following while investigating the paranomastic glosses:

• 戌 *sjwet ~ 滅 *mjiät
• 杪, 眇 *mjiäu: ~ 小 *sjiäu:

"that the word 戌 may hay an initial cluster **sm- was suggested by Li (1049:340) on the basis of Han-time paranomastic glosses and Old Chinese loans in the Tai languages. [..] Pulleyblank (162:136) has suggested that in the word 少 (MC śjäu:) 'few', which belongs to the same OC phonetic series and surely cognate to 小, MC ś- derives from earlier **mh-. [..] Perhaps 小 and 少 should be reconstructed with the same initial according to a scheme such as the follwing: 小 **smjagwx > WH *sm- > sjiäu [ ~ ] 少 **smjiagwx(?) > WH *sm- > śjau"

For modern Mandarin the pattern { S(h)- (x-, q-, z-) ~ m- } can still be established as follows:

• xiăo 小 ~ mó 尛,
• căi 裁: VS 'may' (sew) [ SV 'tài' | M 裁 cái, zài < MC dzəj < OC *zlɯː, *zlɯːs | ¶ /c- ~ k-(c-)/, Ex. 裁衣 căiyī: VS 'mayáo' (tailoring) ],
• qìng 慶: VS 'mừng' (celebrate) [ M 慶 qìng, qiāng, qīng (khánh, khanh, khương) < MC kʰiajŋ < OC *kʰraŋ ],
• shī 失: VS 'mất' (loss) [ SV 'thất' | M 失 shī, yì (thất, dật) < MC ɕit < OC *hlig ],
• xián 鹹: VS 'mặn' (salty) [ M 鹹 xián < MC ɦəɨm < OC *ɡrɯːm | Dialects: Changsha xan12, Shuangfeng ɠã12, Nanchang han12, Meixian ham12, Cant. ha:m12, Amoy ham12 ($); kiam12 | ¶ /h- ~ m-/ < OC */grj- ~ m-/ || See elaboration on this etymology for 'mắm' (anchovy). ],
• xiě 血: VS 'máu' (blood) [ SV 'huyết', also, VS 'tiết' | M 血 xiě, xiè < MC xwiet < OC *swit | According to Starostin: Viet. also has tiết 'animal blood' - an archaic loan (with t- regularly representing OC *s-, which was already lost in MC). || cf. huāng 衁 : máu 'blood' \ ¶ MC hw-(xw-) ~ m-, phonetic 芒 māng. According to Bodman (1980. p.120): M  衁 huāng, nǜ < MC hwaŋ < OC *hmaːŋ. 'An interesting hapax legomenon for 'blood' appears in Dzo Zhuan (左傳) which has an obvious Austroasiatic origin. Proto-Mnong *mham ('blood'), Proto-North Bahnaric *mham ('blood') ],
• xiāo 硝: VS 'muối' (salt) [ SV 'tiêu' | M 硝 xiāo, qiào < MC siaw < OC *sew || cf. 硭 máng (SV mang): VS 'muối' (table salt) ],
• zuǐ 嘴: VS 'môi' (lip) [ ~ VS 'mỏ' | M 嘴  zuǐ < MC tsiə̆, tswiə̆ < OC *ʔseʔ | According to Starostin, originally written as 觜 (q.v.) and also read OC *ʔseʔ, MC tswiə̆ (FQ 即移) 'a horn-shaped curl on the head of birds and cats'. Tibetan: mtʂu lip, beak.],
• qiáng 強: VS 'mạnh' (strong),
• shèng 剩: VS 'mứa' (leftover) [ Also, VS 'thừa' ~> VS 'chứa' | M 剩 (剰) shèng < MC ʑiŋ < OC *ɦljɯŋs | ex. 剩飯 shèngfàn: VS 'bỏchứa' = 'bỏmứa' (cơmthừa) 'food leftover' ],
• xīn 新: VS 'mới' (new) [ cf. 萌 méng (new sprout) ], etc.,
• qǐng 請: VS 'mời' (invite) [ M 請 qǐng, qìng, qíng, qīng < MC tsʰiajŋ, dziajŋ < OC *zleŋ, *shleŋʔ, *zhleŋs || cf. 邀 yāo /y-/ ~ /m-/ (invite) ],

reversely, for the pattern { m- ~ S- (q-, j-, x-...) } we have:


• mō 摸: VS 'sờ' (touch) [ Also, VS 'mò', 'mó' | M 摸 (摹) (mô, mạc) mō, mó, māo, mú < MC muo, mak < OC *ma:, *maːɡ ]
• míng 明: VS 'sáng' (bright) [ M 明 míng < MC maiŋ < OC *mraŋ ],
• màn 慢: VS 'chậm' (slow) [ M 慢 màn, mán, miàn < MC maɨn < OC *mroːns || cf. 遲 chí (SV trì) VS 'chậm' ~ 'trễ' (tardy) ],
• miào 廟: SV 'miếu' (temple) [ cf. the interchange with M 朝 cháo: VS 'chầu' (attend the imperial court) ].

To put it in perspective, in the case of 'ten', shí 十 may not be 'mười', but it is certainly the etymon of 'chục' in Vietnamese as attested by its isoglossal Cantonese sound /ʃʌp8/.

All assumptions regarding Chinese and Vietnamese numerical affiliation, of course, remain speculative, and they are often countered by the presence of Mon-Khmer cognates. The intention here is simply to offer Mon-Khmer specialists some additional perspectives beyond the familiar comparison of Vietnamese and Mon-Khmer numerals 1 to 5. Readers are encouraged to keep an open mind, since multiple possibilities remain. If the Vietnamese numerals sáu (six) through chín (nine), or even chục (ten), can be shown to fit into the sound change patterns associated with Chinese, then it becomes natural to question whether the first five numerals truly derive from Mon-Khmer sources.

Etymologically, the more fundamental a word is, the more likely it has undergone drastic phonological change over time, sometimes to the point of being unrecognizable and leaving no clear historical traces. In some cases, even basic vocabulary has been entirely replaced by later borrowings, as with many Chinese-origin terms for body parts in Vietnamese (see Paul K. Benedict, Austro-Thai Language and Culture with a Glossary of Roots, 1975). In other words, the closer the resemblance between forms, the greater the likelihood that they are loanwords, as demonstrated by numerous Sinitic-Vietnamese and Sino-Vietnamese items when compared with other Sino-Tibetan etyma, including those in the Daic languages.

This perspective challenges the non-academic assumption that basic words are inherently more stable than those in higher lexical categories. Shafer’s Sino-Tibetan etymologies, as presented in this paper, demonstrate the opposite: even fundamental vocabulary can undergo significant shifts. Complex and multisyllabic words, in particular, are especially vulnerable to change and more easily influenced by factors such as dialectal variation once they are borrowed into a recipient language, for instance, 

• "cùichỏ" (胳膊)肘子 (gēbó)zhǒuzi (elbow),
• "bảvai" 臂膊 bèibó (shoulder),
• "màngtang" 太陽穴 tàiyángxué (temple),
• "mỏác" 胸骨 xiōnggǔ (sternum),
• "chânmày" 眉梢 méishāo (eyebrow),
• "đầugối" 膝蓋 xīgài (knee),
• "mắtcá" 腳踝 jiăohuái (ankle) [ SV 'cướckhoả' | M 腳 jiăo, jué < MC kɨak < OC *kaɡ || M 踝 (髁) huái, huà (hoạ, coả, hoã, khoã, hoả, khoả) < MC ɦwaɨ < OC *ɡroːlʔ || cf. 踝骨 huáigǔ: VS 'mắtcá' (ankle bone) ] , etc.,

The only exceptions are those belonging to the category of fundamental vocabulary, largely expressed through simple monosyllabic sounds. Examples include "ba" 爸 bā "dad", "má" 媽 mā "mom", "mắt" 目 mù "eye", "xơi" 食 shí "eat", "uống" 飲 yǐn "drink", and "đất" 土 tǔ "soil". These forms tend to preserve their articulation more consistently, though not all languages of the world share identical phonetic realizations. This observation does not contradict the principles of tonal development: originally, clusters of consonantal initials and finals without tone evolved into tonal systems with simplified initials, as seen today, in accordance with Haudricourt's theory of tonegenesis.

One may rationalize that many Sino-Tibetan languages – Chinese, Burmic, and Daic among them –began with the same basic words at a very early stage, only to diverge along separate paths over several millennia. This is consistent with the fact that living languages are never static but remain in constant flux, evolving from primitive to more sophisticated stages. In particular, the shift from toneless consonantal clusters to tonal systems, as in monosyllabic Old Chinese, exemplifies this dynamic change. Comparable phenomena are found in Indo-European, where drastic sound changes and semantic shifts often obscure etymological connections. For instance, the English names of the 9th through 12th months – "September" (literally "seventh"), "October" ("eighth"), "November" ("ninth"), and "December" ("tenth") – no longer align with their numerical meanings. French follows the same calendar scheme, and similar divergences appear in lexical pairs such as French "route" ~ English /ru:t/, /raut/, or French "merci" (thankfulness) ~ English "mercy" (compassion).

Some may argue that the etymological postulations for "sáu", "bảy", "tám", "chín", and "mười" are not entirely convincing. Before reviewing other recurring patterns between Chinese and Vietnamese, such as "bảy", "ba", "bốn" with the correspondence {S- ~ B-}, let us proceed to examine "một" "one" and "hai" "two". This short list, like the earlier examples, is by no means exhaustive.

• một 一 yī (one): SV nhất  [ Note: Cf. Vietnamese 'mốt' as in 'hămmốt' (twenty-one) | M 一 yī, yí, yì, yāo < MC ʔjit < OC *qliɡ || According to Nguyen Ngoc San (Ibid., p. 74), all the MC initial consonants /l-/, /m-/, /n-/, /nh-/, ng- had their correspondences in Sino-Vietnamese and when they were imported into the targeted language, all became words of the lower register tones, i.e., /~/ ngã and /./ nặng, except for the case of "nhất", that is supposedly nhật", hence, "một".].

The pattern { /y-/ ~ /m-/ } :

• yì 溢: VS 'mứa' (spill),
• yì 蟻: VS 'mối' (termite),
• yún 雲: VS 'mây' (cloud),
• yǔ 雨: VS 'mưa' (rain),
• yăo 舀: VS 'môi'~ 'muỗng' ('scoop) [ Also, 'múc' (ladle out) | M 舀 yăo < MC jiaw < OC *jiaw || cf. 舀粥 yăozhōu: VS 'múccháo' (scoop out poridge) ],
• yóu 魷: VS 'mực' (cuttlefish) [ M 魷 yóu | Note: phonetic stem M 尤 yóu < MC jəu < OC *wjə || cf. 魷魚 yóuyú = later word 墨魚 mòyú (VS cámực) ],
• yăn 眼: (modern usage) ~ mù 目 (old usage) VS 'mắt' (eye),
• yāo 邀: VS 'mời' ~ vời' (invite) [ cf. M 請 qǐng (VS 'xin') ],
• yán 鹽: VS 'muối' (salt) [ SV 'diêm' | M 鹽 (塩) yán (diêm, diễm) < MC jiam < OC *ɡ·lam, *ɡ·lams | According to Starostin: Protoform: *jam (r-). Meaning: salt. Chinese: 鹽 *lam salt; 鹹 *grjə:m salt, salty. Tibetan: rgjam-chwa a k. of salt, like crystal, lgyjam-chwa a k. of rock-salt. Burmese: jamh gunpowder, saltpetre. Kachin: jam1 a k. of salt. Kiranti: *ru\m. Comments: Ben. 57; Mat. 184, Shafer quoted Haudricourt's posit of this word as 硝 xiāo for 'salt'; however, there also exists 硭 máng: SV 'mang' (rude salt) for VS 'muối', cf. 盲 máng: VS 'mù'. ],
  and the reverse,
• giây [dʒjʌj]: 秒 miăo (second) [ M 秒 miăo < MC mjɜw < OC *mews ],
• dân [jʌn1]: 民 mín (citizen),
• diện [jiən6]: 面 miàn (face),
• diệu [jiəw6]: 秒 miào (miraculous),
• di [ji1]: 彌 mí (full),
• danh [jajɲ1]: 名 míng (name),
• diệuvợi [jew6vəj6]: 渺茫 miăománg ('meagerly),

• hai ~ 二 èr (two): SV nhị [ Also, VS 'nhì' as in 'thứnhì' (the second) | M 二 (弍 貳) èr < MC ȵiɪ < OC *njis | FQ 而至 || Note: the dropping of /ɲ- SV 'nhị' /ɲej6/ > /hei1/. Cf. 而 ér ~ SV 'nhi' /ɲej1/. Speakers of the Vietnamese subdialect of Quảngnam in Central Vietnam pronounce "hai" as "huơ" /hwə1/. Cf 至 zhì (VS tới, 'reach') ],

and,

• năm ~ '五' (five): SV ngũ [ Also, VS 'nhăm' ~ 'dăm' ~ 'lăm' as in 'hămlăm' (twenty-five) | M 五 wǔ, wu < MC ŋuo < OC *ŋaːʔ | cf. Hainanese /lan2/ | According to Starostin: be five. For *ŋh- cf. Xiamen ŋo|6, Chaozhou ŋou4, Fuzhou ŋo6, Jianou ŋu6, ŋu8. Other dialects: Wenzhou: ŋ22, Changsha: ŋ2; u 2 (lit.), Meixian: ŋ2, Cant.: ŋ22 || Note: For Sino-Tibetan cognates, see Shafer's list in the previous section. ]

Words of the pattern of the interchange { /w-/ ~ /n-/ }are abundant:

• 偎 wèi: VS 'nể' (respect),
• 味 wèi: VS 'nếm' (taste),
• 臥 wò: VS 'nằm' (lie down), Also: VS 'ngủ' (sleep),
• 握 wò: VS 'nắm' (hold),
• 國 guó: SV 'quốc' [wʌk7], VS 'nước' (nation),
• 鍋 guò: SV 'qua' [wa1], VS 'nồi' (pot),
• 話 huà [hwa4]: VS 'nói' (talk),
• 壓 yā: VS ép (suppress),
• 爺 yě: VS 'nội' (grandfather),
• 語 yǔ: SV 'ngữ', VS 'nói' (speak), etc.,

Nasalization of Sino-Vietnamese numerical vocalism gave rise to articulation of Vietnamese numbers

1. 'nhất' > /jãt/ > /mât/ > 'một'
2. 'nhị' > /nhej/ > /hẽj/ > 'hai'
3. 'tam' > /tã/ > /ta/ > 'ba' /ɓa/
4. 'tứ' > /psɨĩ/ > /bữj/ > 'bốn'
5. 'ngũ' > /ngâu/ > /nẫw/ > 'năm'
6. 'lục' > /lũkw/ > /sũkw/ > 'sáu'
7. 'thất' > /tất/ > /bẫt/ > 'bảy'
8. 'bát' > /ɓãt/ > /tãt/ > 'tám'
9. 'cửu' > /kjɨũ/ > /k'jữw/ > 'chín'
10. 'thập' > /chẫp/ > /mập/ > 'mười'

* /~/ = nasalized

The articulation of Vietnamese numerals appears to have evolved as late as the period from Ancient Chinese to early Middle Chinese, roughly between the 3rd and 7th centuries. They may have taken shape through the nasalization of vocalism in ancient Vietnamese, a feature still evident in northern central dialects before their speakers crossed the 16th parallel and migrated southward to resettle in the former Champa territories beginning in the 13th century. The Huế subdialect today conservatively preserves four tones in the lower register while omitting the upper four-tone register of the past, a pattern that may reflect the vocal contours of what ancient Vietnamese once sounded like.

This phenomenon can be explained by the fact that the Kinh, living in lowland and metropolitan centers, were compelled to transact with Han colonial administrators in monetary exchange from at least 111 B.C. until 939 A.D. Numerals, therefore, must have been among the earliest lexical items to crystallize in the emerging Annamese language.

In terms of articulation, one may test the hypothesis by pronouncing the Sino-Vietnamese "nhất" and "thập" with a nasalized initial /m-/. Similarly, with Sino-Vietnamese "nhị" /nhei6/, drop /n-/ from /nh-/ and retain /h-/. Continue with Sino-Vietnamese "tam", "tứ", "thất" using an initial /b-/ (cf. Hainanese /ta1/, /tej3/, /sit5/), Sino-Vietnamese "lục" with /s-/ (cf. Mandarin lìu), and "ngũ" (cf. Cantonese /ɱ4/) with /n-/ (/nh-/, /l-/). For "bát", apply /t-/, and for "cửu", apply /ch-/. All of these forms passed through cycles of nasalization and denasalization. What goes around comes around, which explains the extant Vietnamese numerals from 6 to 10, a pattern absent in Khmer.

In any case, Sino-Vietnamese numeral readings are deeply embedded in popular usage, appearing not only in ordinals but also in countless idiomatic expressions and set phrases.

Table 2 - Comparative Table of Sino‑Vietnamese Numeral Idioms

Vietnamese	Meaning	Chinese equivalent
nhấtnghệtinh nhấtthânvinh	"one specialized skill brings lifelong honor"	一技之長 yījìzhīcháng
nhịthậptứhiếu	"twenty-four filial exemplars"	二十四孝 èr shí sì xiào
bấtquátam	"never more than thrice"	不過三 bùguòsān
tứđỗtường	"four addictive pleasures"	四大嗜好 sìdàshìhào
mâmngũquả	"tray of five auspicious fruits"	五果盤 wǔ guǒ pán
lụcsúctranhcông	"six domestic beasts vying for merit"	六畜爭功 lìu chù zhēng gōng
thấttìnhlụcdục	"seven emotions and six desires"	七情六欲 qīqínglìuyù
thấtđiênbátđảo	"seven mad, eight scattered (utter chaos)"	七顛八倒 qīdiānbādǎo
chốncửutrùng	"nine-layered forbidden city"	九重城 jǐuchóngchéng
thậpmỹthậptoàn	"tenfold beauty and perfection"	十全十美 shíquánshíměi
tứhải giai huynhđệ	"everybody in every corner of the world is brother"	四海皆兄弟 sìhǎijiēxiōngdì
vangdanhbốnbể	"famous all over the world"	名揚四海 míngyángsìhǎi
bađầusáutay	"three heads and six arms" (extraordinary ability)	三頭六臂 sāntóulìubì
tamđạiđồngđường	"three generations under one roof"	三代同堂 sāndàitóngtáng
báchchiếnbáchthắng	"a hundred battles, a hundred victories"	百戰百勝 bǎizhànbǎishèng
tìnhthiênthu	"love spanning a thousand autumns"	千秋之戀 qiānqīuzhīliàn
vạnsựkhởđầunan	"ten-thousand endeavors begin with hardship"	萬事開頭難 wànshìkāitóunán
chíntriệuchínchínchín... đoáhoahồng	"9,999,999 roses"	九百九十九萬九千九百九十九朵玫瑰 jǐu bǎi jǐu shí jǐu wàn jǐu qiān jjǐu bǎi jǐu shí jjǐu duǒ méi guī
hàngtỷtỷngười	"billions of people on Earth"	數十億人 shùshíyìrén
mộtphầnứcgiây	"one trillionth of a second"	萬億分之一秒 wàn yì fēn zhī yī miǎo

It should be noted that these expressions can be readily understood by Chinese speakers if the Vietnamese texts are translated word for word if those expressions are not directly from the Chinese idioms themselves. Vietnamese speakers can easily provide countless more of other examples of the same type, since the ones cited above are chosen at random without special selection. The list could be extended indefinitely. The essential point is that Sino‑Vietnamese numerals flow from the Vietnamese tongue as naturally as second nature. Vietnamese native numerals, though different in form, share the same character: both sets are deeply rooted in the collective linguistic consciousness of the Vietnamese people.

That said, the weakness of the hypothesis concerning the origin of Vietnamese cardinal numbers lies in the resemblance of "một" and "năm" to Mon‑Khmer forms, or doesn't it? The difficulty would vanish if we could demonstrate that the first five Mon‑Khmer numerals were in fact a subset of the full Vietnamese decimal system. 

Yet who can assert with certainty that partial cognates in numerals suffice to prove genetic relationship between distant languages, historically? The direction of borrowing need not always be Mon‑Khmer into Vietnamese; the reverse is also possible. One must also recall that the ancestors of modern Vietnamese did not cross the 16th parallel until the 13th century and the Mon-Khmer people could have descended from the ancient Yue tribes! 

Moreover, a cognate that appears too close may be more suspicious than one that is distant.

In the hypothetical case of Vietnamese numerals, including "tám" (8) and "mười" (10), the postulations for 1, 2, 3, 4, 5, 6, 7, and 9, as analyzed above, cannot be dismissed outright. Even if the plausibility of cognateness remains uncertain. And even if debates about five‑based versus ten‑based systems persist, the theorization retains value. Each proposal has its own merit when compared with Mon‑Khmer forms, except for Benedict’s speculative elaboration on Austro‑Thai numerical cognates (1975, pp. 29–30). What has been attempted here is only a partial exploration, offering cues for further searches into other Sinitic‑Vietnamese words with Chinese cognates.

To place matters in perspective: the correspondence between Vietnamese and Khmer numerals extends only from 1 to 5. From "sáu" onward, Vietnamese aligns with Chinese 六 lìu and continues to share higher numerals, potentially without limit, including their idiomatic uses. The notion that a stronger culture must have imposed its numerals on a weaker one cannot be upheld, for the Khmer Kingdom itself was a dominant regional power between 802 and 1432 A.D. The overlap of numerals 1 to 5 between Khmer and Vietnamese may therefore represent remnants of a prehistoric genetic affinity, if such existed, prior to the migration of the Kinh people into the southernmost regions of Vietnam. At the same time, it is reasonable to postulate that Vietnamese numerals from 6 upward were later Chinese loanwords, introduced into early Annamese speech during the period of Han colonial rule.

In any case, nothing alters the fact that between 90 and 95 percent of Vietnamese vocabulary is Sinitic‑Vietnamese. That remains the central point of this research.

III) The unfinished work

Etymologically, it is reasonable to speculate that differences in sound change among basic words, much like the numerals, may have resulted from phonemic transitions traceable either to Sino‑Tibetan sources or even to a form of proto‑Chinese at a later stage. For instance, 臥 wò (SV "ngoạ") developed into both VS "ngủ" (sleep) and "nằm" (lie down). Each of these corresponds, respectively, to Old Bodish *snyid and Classical Tibetan Groma nyiʾ‑, rather than to the later Chinese variants 睡 shuì (sleep) and 躺 tăng (lie down). The latter forms, marked by radicals such as 目 (eye) and 身 (body), reflect later semantic specialization. Phonemically, the shifts are notable: /sh‑/ alternates with /th‑/, /sh‑/ with Vietnamese /ng‑/, and /th‑/ with /n‑/. All of these can be postulated as divergent reflexes of a common ancestral root.

In 1912, Maspero (BEFEO XII) proposed a reclassification of Vietnamese, grouping it with Thai (T’ai, Tai, Dai, Tay) and other Daic languages within the Sino‑Tibetan family. His reasoning rested in part on the tonal system of Vietnamese, which he considered structurally parallel to Chinese models.

In 1953, however, Haudricourt challenged this view in La Place du Vietnamien dans les Langues Austro‑Asiatiques (BSLP 49, pp. 122, 128). He argued that the Daic‑Vietnamese cognates identified in Thai and Laotian were in fact loanwords from Mon‑Khmer. In his subsequent work on the origin of Vietnamese (1954), he demonstrated that tonal development in Vietnamese arose through the evolution of word‑final consonants between the 6th and 12th centuries. On this basis, he concluded that Vietnamese belongs not to the Daic division of Sino‑Tibetan but rather to the Mon‑Khmer branch of the larger Austroasiatic family.

However, Maspero's viewpoint was upheld by Forrest (1958) who inserted that

“before the Chinese conquest, Annam [Vietnam] and Kwangtung [Guangdong or Canton] were long under one rule; but everything points to that rule having been T’ai [Dai] rather than Mon-Khmer.[...] When first recorded by European Missionaries in the seventeenth century, Annamese [Vietnamese] still had compound initial groups of consonants in cases where they are now reduced to simple sounds. The phonetic history in this respect is parallel to that of T'ai and Chinese, and this fact, so far as it goes, tells in favour of a T’ai basis for the language rather than a Mon-Khmer” (p.102).

Until the late twentieth century, a few linguists such as Peng Chu’nan (1984) still maintained that Vietnamese belonged to the Sino‑Tibetan family. In the Chinese-Vietnamese context, Pulleyblank (1984) observed that "Vietnamese is typologically closer to Chinese than are either Japanese or Korean and, in many ways, even Tibetan, in spite of the fact that Chinese and Tibetan are genetically related while Chinese and Vietnamese are not (unless the relationship is an exceedingly remote one)" (p. 91). In the same spirit of uncertainty, Roland J‑L Breton and Harold F. Schiffman, in their Geolinguistics (1991), chose not to classify Vietnamese within the Austroasiatic family.

Even so, the prevailing consensus for more than a century has been that Vietnamese belongs to the Mon‑Khmer branch of Austroasiatic. This view continues to dominate historical linguistics. Yet theories evolve as new evidence emerges. Given the overwhelming presence of Sinitic elements that permeate every layer of Vietnamese, the author of this study proposes a new designation: a Sinitic‑Yue (SY) subgroup. Here, "Sinitic" is understood on par with the Sinitic division of Sino‑Tibetan, though the latter encompasses all Chinese dialects, or lects, the term is used when it is not possible or desirable to decide whether something is a distinct language or only a dialect of a language, to be exact, including Cantonese and Minnan (Hokkien). These dialects themselves have accumulated more than two millennia of Han and Tang Chinese layered upon Yue substrata, and thus could historically be situated within the same Sinitic‑Yue framework. Mapping Sino‑Tibetan regions against the history of Vietnamese territorial expansion reveals that Yue linguistic pockets once extended across southern China – Fujian, Guangdong, Hunan, Guangxi, Guizhou, Yunnan – and even overlapped with Jiangxi, Henan, and Hebei, where the ancient state of Chu flourished centuries before the Common Era.

In this light, the differences between Vietnamese and other Sinitic languages resemble those between Cantonese and Hokkien and the five major northern Chinese lects. This is not to suggest that Vietnamese was ever simply a Chinese dialect before its political separation from the Middle Kingdom more than 1,100 years ago. Rather, while Cantonese and Fukienese "lects", evolved under continuous Han rule for over 2,200 years, Vietnamese developed along a different trajectory to become another "lect". Any linguist familiar with Cantonese or Hokkien can still detect Yue lexical and syntactic residues distinct from the mainstream northern dialects that spread from Shaanxi and Shanxi eastward to Shandong and southward to Jiangxi, Sichuan, Guizhou, and Yunnan.

One of the strongest reasons for rejecting the classification of Vietnamese within Austroasiatic Mon‑Khmer is that many basic words for nature, kinship, and daily life are cognate with Chinese. Proto‑Vietic may once have shared certain forms with Mon‑Khmer, but during a millennium as a Chinese prefecture and another millennium after independence, Muong subdialects likely served as conduits for Chinese‑influenced Annamese loanwords into Mon‑Khmer. This would explain why a thin substratum of basic words, such as numerals 1 to 5, remains problematic for resolving genetic affiliation.

Moreover, many Sinitic elements in Vietnamese are interwoven with Yue residues. Virtually all Vietnamese grammatical function words derive from Chinese "xūcí" (虛辭), such as prepositions, conjunctions, and the like, each spawning multiple Sinitic‑Vietnamese forms: 和 hé → VS "và" (and), 輿 yú → VS "với" (with), 雖 suī → SV "tuy" > VS "dù" ~ "dẫu" (though), 然 rán → VS "vậy" (then). At the same time, many fundamental words are also cognate with Chinese: "mắt" 目 mù (eye), "thấy" 視 shì (see). By contrast, Cantonese and Hokkien preserve native residues such as /pin5dow2/ (where), /fan1gao1/ (sleep) and /kẽ/ (child), /bat7/ (know), /soã/ (mango), respectively. Similarly, Vietnamese shares both Sinitic and native strata. While 'xūcí words' are indispensable for modern syntax, Vietnamese distinguishes itself from Chinese through features such as [noun + adjective] order that is still traceable in southern Hokkien dialects like Hainanese, Fukienese, Amoy, and Cantonese (e.g., 雞公 /kei5kong1/ "rooster", 大老 /dai2lou4/ "big brother"), as opposed to Mandarin 公雞 or 老大. This structural evidence further supports the proposal of a Sinitic‑Yue grouping.

Even words long listed as Austroasiatic or Mon‑Khmer often resist such classification. For example, "bò" (ox, cow) contrasts with "trâu" 牛 níu (water buffalo) and clearly reflects Sino‑Tibetan origin. Other cases are ambiguous, though, for instance, while Vietnamese "bú" (suck) aligns with Chinese 哺 bǔ,  "sữa" (milk) does not plausibly connect with Chinese 乳 rǔ or Mon‑Khmer /tukdaohko/, but may echo Indonesian "susu". 

Such examples of the above and the following suggest semantic shifts, homonymic substitutions, and lost etyma. They are familiar to all, yet the less obvious Sinitic‑Vietnamese etyma – those rarely cited in wordlists – deserve closer attention, as they may hold the key to deeper historical connections.

• "đực" (male): 特 tè (SV đặc),
• "mái" (female): 母 mǔ (SV mẫu),
• "quà" (presents): 饋 kuì (SV quý),
• "gỏi" (minced meat with salad): 膾 kuài (SV khoái),
• "lạc" (in place of 'đậuphụng' 花生 huāshēng 'peanut' [Hai. /wun1dow2/]) 落 luò (SV lạc) [ ~ VS 'đậulạc' #落豆 luòdòu. Also, an etymon of VS 'rơi', 'rớt', 'rụng' <~ M 落 luò, lè, luō, lào, là < MC lak < OC *gra:g as in modern Chinese for both 落花 'fallen flowers' and 落花生 'earth-nut' (Arachis hypogaea) (attested in Qing classics) which is obviously related to Vietnamese 'lạc' (earth-nut) although the direction of borrowing is not quite clear. Cf. perhaps also (as a more archaic loan) Viet. rắc 'to sprinkle, to dredge, to sow' ('to let fall') ],
• "bánhdày" ('bánhgiầy') # 糍粑 cíbā ('glutinous rice cake'), "bánhbao" # '包餅 bāobǐng – modern M 包子 bāo​zi, 'meat bun') – and "bánhchưng" # 蒸餅 zhēngbǐng – modern M 粽子 zòngzi – (being a different kind of glutinous rice cakes) as they have been previously believed to be indigenous glosses. This is an important point since because, in the cultural context, these words are closely related to the mystic legends of 18 ancestral Hồngbàng Kings of the Vietnamese people.
• "dưahấu" (watermelon) [ M 塊瓜 kuàiguā (khốiqua) | @# M 塊瓜 kuàiguā \ @ 塊 kuài ~ 'hấu'. "Hấu" is a monosyllabic syllable not to be used alone, it must go with 瓜 guā as 'dưa' (melon) to make up the dissyllabic word "dưahấu" (M 瓜 guā < MC kwaɨ < OC *kʷra ) || Note: as apposed to modern M 西瓜 xīguā, which becomes another word in Vietnamese as 'dưatây' (literally 'western melon') to mean a different kind of non-native melons. ],

and so on so forth.

For all the reasons outlined above, together with the undeniable closeness of Vietnamese to the Chinese languages, applicable across all dialects, the Vietnamese language should be placed within the newly designated Sinitic‑Yue (SY) branch of the Sino‑Tibetan family. This family, as currently classified, encompasses nearly 400 languages and dialects.

As for Tibetan and Chinese, tradition holds that in prehistoric times the Tibetans and the proto‑Chinese were originally one people, speaking a common proto‑Tibetan tongue before diverging into separate languages. The formation of Archaic Chinese (ArC) – the ancestor of Old Chinese spoken in the pre‑Qin and Han eras – was the result of fusion between Tibetan and Taic‑Yue languages spoken by native populations in what is now Henan Province. Archaic Chinese thus emerged under the influence of these aboriginal tongues, including early Yue speech. Norman (1988, p. 17) speculated that "the fact that only a relatively few Chinese words have been shown to be Sino‑Tibetan may indicate that a considerable proportion of the Chinese lexicon is of foreign origin [...], languages which have since become extinct."

Those "foreign origin" languages Norman referred to may well have been of proto‑Taic stock, the same root that gave rise to Daic‑Kaida and other Yue languages, including ancestral Vietic language, Cantonese, and Hokkien and perhaps even some Austroasiatic Mon‑Khmer tongues. Speakers of these languages lived under Han rule, and the later Chinese dialects, after centuries of Sinicizing immersion, became part of the Sinitic Division, now represented by the seven major Chinese dialect groups.

The ancient Yue stratum in Vietnamese also shared basic words with Chinese, long before the Han ruled Annam from 111 B.C. until 939 A.D., when it broke away from the Southern Han State (南漢 帝國 NamHán). By that time, although Baihua (白話) in NamHán and early Annamese had already diverged, they still retained a portion of common stock of basic vocabulary and layered official Mandarin. This shared layer is visible in Buddhist texts of the Phậtthuyết tradition (short for Phậtthuyết Đạibáo Phụmẫu Ântrọng Kinh 佛說 大報 父母 恩重 經), a fifteenth‑century Nôm scripture teaching filial piety. It was explicitly written for the common people, as the preface states: "Cho người thiểnhọc nghĩ xem nghĩ nhuần" ('For the uneducated, easy to read and absorb.'). In that era, Buddhism was regarded as the national religion.

Most of the basic words in Phậtthuyết cognate with Chinese etyma are still in use today, but absent from Mon‑Khmer. What readers often encounter are Mon‑Khmer words frequently cited as "fundamentals", yet many of these may also be cognate with Sino‑Tibetan or Chinese forms. 

Below are samples of such basic words, including grammatical function words, that are rarely found in Austroasiatic Mon‑Khmer, for which specialists have yet to identify cognates. Readers may treat them as a worksheet for further exploration.

Comparable vocabulary also appears in other Vietnamese literary works: the fifteenth‑century Hồngđức Quốcâm thitập 宏德 國音 詩集 by King Lê Thánh Tôn, the Quốcâm thitập 國音 詩集 by Nguyễn Trãi, the seventeenth‑century Đoạntrường Tânthanh 斷腸 新聲 (or Truyện Kiều) by Nguyễn Du, and the lụcbát hexa‑octosyllabic poems of Nguyễn Bỉnh Khiêm, including Lâmtuyền Kỳngộ 林泉 奇遇. (See Nguyễn Ngọc San, 1993, pp. 95–104, 138–142.)

Table 3 - Some ancient Nôm basic vocabularies and their Chinese correspondents

English	Ancient Vietnamese	Mon- Khmer (?)	Sino- Vietnamese	Vietnamese	Mandarin	Example
already	đà	-	dĩ	đà, đã	已 yǐ	"Khách đà lênngựa người còn ngoáitheo." (Kiều)
ask	han	-	vấn	hỏi	問 wèn	"Vội han ditrú nơinao." (Kiều)
attend to	chực	-	chờ	tý	伺 sì	"Mộtmình chực mộ nhàđường." (Phậtthuyết)
brothers	anhtam	-	hynhđệ	anhem	兄弟 xiōngdì	"Tin ngườixa làm anhtam" (Phậtthuyết)
classifier (time period of the day)	ban	-	phạn	bữa, buổi	飯 fàn	"Cáo kêo eoéo ban trờitối." (Hồngđức)
don't	mựa	-	mạc	chớ	莫 mò	"Nghĩa, nhân, lễ, trị mựa cho khuây." (Quốcâm Thitập)
dumb	nghê	-	ngu	ngô	愚 yú	"Nghêdại chẳng hay cóc." (Phậtthuyết)
easy	nghĩ	-	dĩ	dễ	易 yì	"Cho người thiểnhọc nghĩ xem nghĩ nhuần." (Phậtthuyết)
endure	khắng	-	khẳn	khẳng	肯 kěn	"Mảy chút trầnai chi khắng luỵ." (Lâmtuyền Kỳngộ)
even	liễn	-	liên	lẫn	連 lián	"Đạo làm con liễn đạo làm tôi." (Quốcâm Thitập)
evening	hôm	-	vãn	hôm	晚 wăn	"Hômdao lòng chẳng với." (Phậtthuyết)
hear	mắng	-	văn	nghe	聞 wén	"Mắngtin xiết nỗi ngạingùng." (Kiều)
how	há	-	hà	há	何 hé	"Lộc nặng há quên hơn chúa nặng." (Nguyễn Bỉnh Khiêm)
if	nhược	-	hược	nếu	若 nuò	"Nhượccó người nào ngheđược." (Phậtthuyết)
large	cả	-	đại	to	大 dà	"cảthẹn", "bểcả"
love	dấu	-	ái	yêu	愛 ài	"Ángná lòng thực dấu." (Phậtthuyết)
mix, and	hoà	-	hoà	và	和 hé	"Ắtlà khôn hết cả hoà hai." (Nguyễn Bỉnh Khiêm)
morning	dao	-	hiểu	sớm	曉 xiáo	"Hômdao đủ bữa bátcơm." (Quốcâm Thitập)
mother	ná	-	nương	nạ	娘 niáng	"Chẳng biếtơn áng ná." (Phậtthuyết)
no	nọ	-	nã	nào	哪 ná	"Dânghương nọ kẻ nện chàykình." (Hồngđức)
only	chỉn	-	tận	chỉ	儘 jǐn	"Chỉn thực quannhân dạ sắtvàng." (Lâm Tuyền Kỳngộ)
private	tây	-	tư	tư	私 sī	"Mựa nghe sàmnịnh có lòng tây." (Quốcâm Thitập)
purchase	chác	-	thụ	tậu	售 shòu	"Chác được của rẻ." (Phậtthuyết)
quiet	ắng	-	yên	im	安 ān	"Từ chưng ấy ắng mất." (Phậtthuyết)
respect	vì	-	uý	nể	畏 wèi	"Nhà ngặt bằng ta ai kẻ vỉ." (Quốcâm Thitập)
s/he	nghĩ	-	y	nó	伊 yī	"Gia tư nghĩ cũng thườngthường bậctrung." (Kiều)
solely	bui	-	duy	duy	維 wéi	"Bui có một niền chăng nỡ trễ." (Quốcâm Thitập)
stupid	dại	-	ngai	ngốc	呆 dài	"Làm những kế dại." (Phậtthuyết)
that	của	-	sở	sự	所 suǒ	"Vợcon cầmbắt mỗi của nươngđòi." (Phậtthuyết)
then	chưng	-	đang	đang	當 dāng	"Già này chưng thuở mặttrời tà." (Lâmtuyền Kỳngộ)
there	nào	-	na	đó	那 nà	"Nào hồn ômã lạcloài đâu." (Hồngđức)
though	là	-	la	là	啦 là	"Đêm chia nửa, khéo hay là." (Hồngđức)
to be	thì	-	thị	thị	是 shì	"Vô sự thì hơn kẻo phải lo." (Nguyên Bỉnh Khiêm)
what	sở	-	xá	gì	啥 shé	"Trong thếgian chẳng sở nào tày." (Phậtthuyết)
when	thuở	-	thời	thuở	時 shí	"Gối mác nằm sương thuở Tấn Tần." (Nguyễn Bỉnh Khiêm)
wish	mòng	-	vọng	mong	望 wàng	"Cảnhcũ non quê nhặt chốcmòng." (Quốcâm Thitập)
worry	âu	-	ưu	âu	憂 yōu	"Chẳng âu ngặt chẳng âu già." (Quốcâm Thitập)
would like	sính	-	tưởng	trông	想 xiăng	"Sính làm con yênlành." (Phậtthuyết)
wrong	thác	-	thác	sai	錯 cuò	"Sámhối tội thác." (Phậtthuyết)

Taking into account the historical circumstances of China, the emergence of what later came to be called the "Han" can be understood as the fusion of ancient proto‑Tibetan and proto‑Taic peoples, the original indigenes of southern China (see Lacouperie 1966 [1887]). Their descendants spread across the mainland and eventually became speakers of the various Chinese "lects". This deduction rests on the fact that Chinese contains a large number of loanwords from the Southern Yue (南越 NamViệt) aboriginals, whose languages were spoken in the seven major states of the pre‑Qin era. Many of these forms were later collected in the Kangxi Dictionary and designated as 方言 (dialects).

In reality, Chinese is not a single speech but a constellation of lects, their dialects and sub‑dialects. Their differences lie chiefly in having (1) a whole unique set of fundamentals, and (2) pronunciation of the same written Chinese characters, derived from the common base of Mandarin (now called 普通話 putonghua), though usage also varies. Word choice and grammar in Wu, Kegan (客贛), Minnan, and Cantonese are strikingly distinct. For example:

• A Beijinger says, "你 先 說 吧!" ("You speak first then!"), while a Cantonese speaker in Guangzhou says, "你 講 先 喇!" ("You talk first then!").

• Beijing: "我 給 你 這個." ("I give you this."); Cantonese: "我 卑 呢個 你." ("I have this one you.").

• Beijing: "我 說, 你 聽得懂, 你 說, 我 聽不懂." ("I speak, you understand; you speak, I do not understand."); Hokkien: "咱 講 汝 聽 有,  汝 講 咱 聽無." ("I talk, you hear yes; you talk, I hear no.").

• Beijing: "給 我 點 水." ("Give me a little water."); Shanghainese: "撥 點 水 我." ("Pass a little water me.").

• Beijing: "你 有沒有 錢?" ("Do you have money?"); Shaoxing Wu: "你 啊 有 銅鈿?" ("You have copper coin?").

Except for the four major dialects, namely, Cantonese, Minnan, Kegan, and Wu, the northern sub‑dialects of Shaanxi, Shanxi, Shandong, Sichuan, and elsewhere appear largely as variations of one another (Zhou Zumo 周祖謨 in Wang Li, et al., 1956, Hanzu de Gongtongyu he Piaozhunyin, p. 63). It is not difficult to see that the southern dialects were originally Yue languages, now grouped under the Sinitic branch.

By the same token, the lexical cognacy between Chinese and Vietnamese suggests that the formation of Vietnamese repeated the same developmental process undergone by southern Chinese lects and their dialects. Like Cantonese, Minnan, Kegan, and Wu, Vietnamese absorbed a vast amount of northern Mandarin vocabulary layered upon its aboriginal Yue substratum.

After the Han conquest of the NamViệt Kingdom in 111 B.C., the Vietic language emerged as an admixture of the speech of Han colonists and Yue inhabitants, possibly including early Mon‑Khmer speakers from the southwest (today’s Lower Laos). This helps explain the presence of Mon‑Khmer words dating back as early as two millennia B.C. These groups descended from a mixed stock of Yue natives in northern Vietnam before Han infantry advanced further south into Annam, a process that continued for centuries. The long‑marching Han soldiers themselves were descendants of populations from across southern China, including subjects of the Chu State (楚國) and NamViệt. In Giaochâu (交州) prefecture, those who had remained in metropolitan centers and cooperated with the Han gave rise to the early "Kinh" people. Han colonists, soldiers, and displaced migrants intermarried with local women and settled permanently; their descendants would later rule the independent state of the Southern Viets, or Việtnam, another way of writing 南越 NánYuè.

The historical development of Vietnam thus helps explain the deep linguistic commonalities shared by Chinese and Vietnamese, both rooted in the ancient substrata of what Lacouperie (1887) called "China before the Chinese." Archaeological findings by Zhang Zengqi (1990) in Zhongguo Xinan Minzu Kaogu (中國西南民族考古, Archaeology of Ethnic Minorities in China’s Southwestern Regions) lend support to Lacouperie’s theory of Chinese as a fusion language, including elements of what we now call the Taic‑Yue family. Specifically, ancient Annamese took shape through the fusion of several linguistic streams:

1. Proto‑Vietic with Taic substrata – Early proto‑Vietic forms blended with basic elements of ancient Taic languages spoken by the native indigenes south of the Yangtze River. These groups were later collectively classified as Yue. Their basic lexicons survive in the Tai‑Kadai languages, also known as the "Tày" language, with attested comparanda cited in Chapter 8.
   
   
2. Archaic Chinese of the pre‑Qin era – Forms of early Chinese spoken by the northwestern Qin people before 250 B.C. contributed another layer to the developing Annamese speech.
   
   
3. Old Chinese of the Han – The Old Chinese spoken by the Han (漢族 Hànzú) since the dynasty founded by Liu Bang (劉邦) and his generals, themselves former Chu subjects (楚國人) of Daic origin. Vietnamese author Bình Nguyên Lộc (1972) even referred to them as "the Malay people".
   
   
4. Southern immigrant admixture – The cumulative influence of southern Chinese immigrants who resettled in what is now northern Vietnam beginning some 3,000 years ago, a process that has continued into modern times.  (V).

As for the Austroasiatic Mon‑Khmer elements in Vietnamese: the history of Vietnam’s formation is one of ethnic and linguistic intermixture. Along their southward migrations, ancient Annamese speakers absorbed Chamic and Mon‑Khmer words, adding Austroasiatic and Austronesian elements atop the older Taic‑Yue substratum. Remnants of these layers are preserved in the Muong languages.

Historically, the Việt‑Mường group (300 B.C. to 100 A.D.) gave rise to the Kinh ethnicity in ancient Annam. Around a thousand years ago, this group split into distinct Mường and "Annamese" branches. Modern Vietnamese evolved from the latter, after its break from the common Việt‑Mường base. Meanwhile, Mon‑Khmer languages spoken by minorities in the western highlands along the Cambodian and Laotian borders contributed additional native words, including basic vocabulary still visible in Muong dialects.

Beneath these layers lies a deeper foundation: an admixture of Proto‑Chinese, Old Chinese, Middle Chinese, Early Mandarin, and even modern Mandarin (Putonghua). Traces of ancient Yue speech remain detectable in other Daic, Miao‑Yao, and Mon languages of southern China and northern Vietnam. Yet over time, these elements have become far more foreign to Vietnamese than the Chinese strata, which remain the dominant influence.

Table 4 - Overview of proportional Vietnamese linguistic "foreign strata"

Sinitic components		Vietnamese linguistic strata
Proto-Chinese (to 1028 B.C.)	«««««« o »»»»»	Sinitic-Vietnamese e.g., nạ, mắt, giò, đi, chạy, lá, cá, gà, gió, cộ, chài, cửa, etc.
Old Chinese (ca. 600 B.C.)	«««««« o »»»»»	Sinitic-Vietnamese e.g., tía, mẹ, buồng, ngủ, bếp, tủ, đũa, sông, buồm, tàu, etc.
Ancient Chinese (from the second century A.D..)	«««««« o »»»»»	Sinitic-Vietnamese e.g., giông, gió, biển, khơi, ngoài, giấy, viết, etc.
Middle Chinese (from 601 A.D.)	»»»»»»»»»»»»	Sino-Vietnamese e.g., mục, kê, hổ, giangsơn, quốcgia, sơnhà, etc.
Early Mandarin (from 1324 A.D.) and modern Mandarin	«««««« o »»»»»	"Sinicized-Vietnamese" e.g., nonsông, nướcnhà, ytá, bácsĩ, tửtế, lịchsự, bồihồi, langbạt, etc.
Sino-Tibetan and other foreign elements	««««« o »»»»»	Daic, Mao-Yao, and other Austroasiatic Mon-Khmer elements e.g., mũi, ngón, ổi, cốc, nem, ớt, bươmbướm, etc.

Beyond the phonological and semantic resemblances noted in Shafer’s Sino‑Tibetan listings, the case for Vietnamese inclusion is further reinforced by the classic example of tonality, which sharply distinguishes it from the Mon‑Khmer sub‑family. It is worth emphasizing that Mon‑Khmer languages are toneless, whereas Vietnamese, like other members of the Sino‑Tibetan family, is tonal, one mirroring the other, so to speak.

In modern orthography, Vietnamese marks tone visually with five diacritical signs placed on vowels, yielding eight distinct tones. For example, "nhược" /ɲɨək8/ ('weak') and "ngược" /ŋɨək8/ ('reverse'). More precisely, tone is determined not only by diacritics but also by final consonants such as ‑p, ‑t, and ‑k, which together complete the eight‑tone system. This arrangement corresponds to the traditional Sino‑Vietnamese and Chinese phonological framework, in which four pitches, each split into upper and lower registers, form the canonical eight‑tone scheme attested in Ancient Chinese (Norman 1988, p. 55). (音) 

Just as Henri Maspero (1912) proposed, tone is an inherent feature of language and cannot be derived from non‑tonal elements. A corollary of this view, as Norman (1988, p. 54) observed, is that tonal languages cannot be genetically related to languages that lack tone.

Chinese cursive scripts were still in use in Korean (K) texts as late as the 1960s. Yet unlike tonal Sino‑Vietnamese romanized words, modern Korean writings rely heavily on context to interpret the meaning of transliterated, toneless Chinese loanwords. When written in Hangul without Hanja, these words are pronounced nearly the same, with no tonal distinction to separate meanings. Classic examples include:

• 防火 fánghuǒ: K /banghwa/ ~ SV 'phònghoả' (to prevent fire) 
  vs. 放火 fànghuǒ: K /banghwa/ ~ SV 'phónghoả' (to set fire)

• 水稻 shuǐdào: K /sudo/ ~ SV 'thuỷđạo' (aquatic rice) 
  vs. 水道 shuǐdào: K /sudo/ ~ SV 'thuỷđạo' (aquatic duct)
  vs. 首都 shǒudū: K /sudo/ ~ SV 'thủđô' (capital), etc.

To appreciate the idea of non‑inherent tonality, consider how Chinese and Vietnamese loanwords are pronounced in English: "chowmein," "kowtow," "taipoon," "sampan," "vietcong," "pho," "banhmi," "aodai." Written without diacritics, they are spoken with stress or intonation, but not with the original tonal contours.

A comparison with French or English loanwords in Khmer and Vietnamese makes the contrast sharper. Khmer, being non‑tonal, adapts such words without tonal marking. Vietnamese, by contrast, inherently tonal, naturally imposes tonal contours on borrowed words, making them feel native. This explains why loanwords from non‑tonal languages acquire tones in Vietnamese: they are eventually reshaped with tonal patterns to integrate into the system. Examples illustrate the process clearly:

• "caobồi" (cowboy)

• "quánhtùtì" (one‑two‑three)

• "súpquay" (subway)

• "mêtrô" (métro)

• "buộcboa" (pourboire)

• "phẹcmatuya" (fermature)

Each is accented with tones, showing how Vietnamese adapts foreign vocabulary by embedding it into its tonal framework. (See Wordlists in APPENDIX A).

In spatial distribution, correspondences between Mon‑Khmer and Vietnamese basic words are uneven and scattered across multiple Mon‑Khmer isoglosses. In effect, their cognates align on collateral lines, much like the numerals. The broader picture parallels Vietnamese cognates appearing across different Sino‑Tibetan etymologies as discussed earlier, and resembles how many Sinitic‑Vietnamese etyma affiliate with Old Chinese (上古漢語) of the pre‑Han period, commonly attested in Shijing Odes (詩經) and Chuci (楚辭). By contrast, Sino‑Vietnamese correspondences with Middle Chinese tend to align on a straighter axis, similar to Ancient Chinese (古漢語) into Middle Chinese. Taken together with other linguistic factors, setting aside the syntactic module where the modified word precedes its modifier, the overall affiliation of Vietnamese points strongly toward Chinese.

Why, then, is Vietnamese not grouped within Sino‑Tibetan in current classifications, but placed under Austroasiatic Mon‑Khmer? In brief, many have been content with a few dozen basic cognates and have overlooked that more than half of the surveyed items (based on lists by Thomson, Taylor, and Nguyễn Ngọc San) also align with Sino‑Tibetan etyma of the type cataloged by Shafer. By contrast, this research adopts a holistic approach: it examines the roots of Sino‑Tibetan etymologies and explores how those strata relate to Vietnamese etyma. The focus is a living language's intrinsic affiliation – its attributes, peculiarities, and historical position as the sole nation of the Southern Yue that emerged from Chinese dominion, unlike its cousin regions in Guangxi, Hainan, Guangdong, and Fujian. In that sense, Vietnamese is characteristically more Chinese than Mon‑Khmer, regardless of how many spears are thrown at that long‑rooted affiliation. Consider, historically, a thousand years under Chinese rule – there is light at the end of that tunnel.

To further substantiate the Sinitic‑Yue theory, the following chapters will continue to present basic listings of essential Chinese etyma with Vietnamese cognates. This constitutes the central focus of the research, together with its companion database project, the Chinese-Vietnamese Dictionary. Statistically, the evidence demonstrates that more than 90 percent of Vietnamese vocabulary, including nearly all basic words, derives from Chinese origin. Many of these correspondences are documented here for the first time, made available through this study.  (S)

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(百)^ "Bod" is just another name "Bak" (as in 百姓 Baixing, 百越 BáchViệt or BaiYue as discussed by Lacouperie (Ibid., see Chapter 9):

"Bak was an ethnic and nothing else. We may refer as a proof to the similar name, rendered however by different symbols, which they gave to several of their early capitals, PUK, POK, PAK, all names known to us after ages, and of which the similarity with Pak, Bak, cannot be denied. In the region from where they had come, Bak was a well-known ethnic, for instance, Bakh in Bakhdhi (Bactra), Bagistan, Bagdada, etc. etc., and is explained as meaning 'fortunate, flourishing' " 

in addition to what was discussed by the same author quoted in Chapter 6 regarding the Pre-Chinese and the Chinese, per Lacouperie (ibid, pp. 116-119), on the ancestral Bak of the early Chinese as opposed to the pre-Chinese.

(U)^ Another example is the Metric Conversion Act, passed by the U.S. Congress in 1975 to replace the English measurement system. Yet even after the target year of 2015 for full implementation, the effort seems to have faded into the void. The point here is metaphorical: people are, in a sense, born with numerical systems already encoded in their being. Once ingrained, such systems become second nature, resistant to deliberate change.

(M)^ Vietnamese speakers, when counting within the ten‑based system, often perceive numbers in paired relations, as if seeking balance and equilibrium at a deeper cognitive level. For instance, with 'cặp' 雙 shuāng ‘double’ and 'đôi' 對 duì ‘pair’, we find expressions such as 'cócặp' 有雙 yǒu shuāng ‘in pairs’ and 'songđôi' 雙對 shuāng duì ‘paired’. Similarly, 'lưỡng' 兩 liǎng ‘couple’ appears in the variant 'lứađôi' 咱倆 zá liǎng ‘the two of us’. Compound forms extend this logic: "đôimươi" (對 duì + 十 shí = 20), "đôitám" (對 duì + 八 bā = 16). The notion of wholeness is expressed in 'chẳn' 整 zhěng and 'sốchẳn' 整數 zhěng shù ‘even numbers’.

Beyond structural pairing, certain numbers carry auspicious associations, reflecting the same mindset as in Chinese tradition. The numbers 6, 8, 9, and 10 are considered lucky: 6 'lộc' 祿 lù ‘blessings’, 8 'phát' 發 fā ‘prosperity’, 9 'cửu' 久 jiǔ ‘everlasting’. 10 'thập' 十 shí (VS 'chục') ‘wholeness’, as in 'thậptoàn' 十全 shí quán ‘completeness’ and 'thậpmỹ' 十美 shí měi ‘perfection’.

By contrast, 4 is viewed as inauspicious because of their phonetic resemblance to 'chết' (death) SV 'tử' 死 sǐ. This entire framework of symbolic numerology stands in sharp contrast to the Mon‑Khmer 'pram' five‑based system, which reflects a different cognitive orientation.

For reference, samples of modern Khmer numerals from 6 to 9 and counting on illustrate this divergence.

• 6: pram-mùəy (five plus one)
• 7: pram-pì:(r) (five plus two)
• 8: pram-bɤy (five plus three)
• 9: pram-buən (five plus four)
• 18: dɔp-pram-bɤy (ten and five plus three)
• 25: mphɯy-pram (twenty plus five)
• 56: ha:sɤp-pram-mùəy (fifty plus five plus one)

and some alternative forms which certainly have nothing to relate to those in Vietnamese, neither do those Middle or Old Khmer.

(T)^ To recall, several loanwords in the Chinese zodiac appear to have been borrowed from the ancient Yue language. Examples include 子 zǐ (SV 'tý', cf. VS 'chuột') for ‘rat’, 丑 chǒu (SV 'sửu', cf. VS 'trâu') for ‘ox’—more precisely, the water buffalo—午 wǔ (SV 'ngọ', cf. VS 'ngựa') for ‘horse’, 未 wèi (SV 'mùi', cf. VS 'dê') for ‘goat’, and 亥 hài (SV 'hợi', cf. VS 'heo') for ‘boar’. These form part of the twelve animal cycle, with one notable exception: 兔 tù (SV 'thố', VS 'thỏ') ‘hare’. For reasons perhaps tied to taboo, 卯 mǎo (SV 'mão', cf. VS 'mèo') was substituted, though its sound clearly derives from /mew2/, a form for ‘cat’ that appears consistently across Daic and Mon‑Khmer languages.

Other cases, however, do not follow the same pattern. Words such as 江 jiāng: V 'sông' ‘river’, 虎 hǔ: V 'cọp' ‘tiger’, 狗 gǒu: V 'chó' ‘dog’, 犬 quán: V 'cún' ‘puppy’, and 牙 yá: V 'ngà' ‘ivory’ also trace back to Yue origins, yet they can be regarded as having developed from the same root stock as Sinitic‑Vietnamese. This does not imply genetic affiliation in the strict sense, as reflected in the Chinese characters recorded in the Kangxi Dictionary. Nor does it parallel the situation of Vietnamese numerals when compared with Mon‑Khmer.

Consider Vietnamese 'răngkhểnh' (canine tooth, cuspid), which aligns with 犬齒 quánchǐ (= 犬牙 quányá, cf. VS 'răng' 齡 líng), or 'ngồixổm' and 'chồmhổm' (to squat like a dog), which correspond to 犬坐 quánzuò (犬 quán = ‘dog’). Likewise, 'nonsông' (country) and 'hùnghổ' (gung‑ho) are culturally accented loanwords from 江山 jiāngshān (SV 'giangsan') and 猛虎 měnghǔ (SV 'mãnhhổ'). These entered Vietnamese only after the language had already broken away from the Việt‑Mường group and developed into a distinct Vietic‑Annamese form.

Today, as a language characterized by disyllabicity, Vietnamese continues to build many disyllabic words from Chinese materials, though often in reverse order, following the [modified + modifier] pattern.

(V)^ Much as the Chinese languages themselves emerged, the fusion of "pre‑Chinese" migrants from the upper reaches of the Yellow River with the aboriginal peoples long settled along both banks of the Yangtze gave rise to what became the Han and, in time, the later Chinese tongues. A parallel process unfolded in the south: Chinese linguistic elements entered an early form of Annamese, spoken by the mixed population of Giaochi Prefecture (交州 Jiaozhou, SV 'Giaochâu' < 交趾 Jiaozhi) around the turn of the first century B.C.

(音)^ Let us pause briefly to consider an intriguing point about tonality. Over the past few decades, linguists and language educators in the United States, Canada, Australia, France, and elsewhere have studied how Vietnamese and Chinese children acquire their mother tongues. A recurring question has been: At what age do children acquire tones? Do they master them when learning their very first words, or only later, as if tones were a secondary layer?

The answer is clear. Toddlers acquire tones simultaneously with their first words; tonal control is part of the initial process of language acquisition, not a later addition. By contrast, children who are not exposed to their mother tongue until adulthood typically speak Vietnamese with the intonation of Western foreigners, that is, monotonous, flattened, and lacking the natural tonal contours.

(S)^ The percentage figure was obtained by arbitrarily sampling pages from a standard Vietnamese dictionary and counting the entries. Provide any sample page, and the same statistical proportion will emerge. Alternatively, by examining the etyma cited throughout this study, one can readily reconcile with that figure.