Chapter 4 - Vietnamese and Chinese Commonalities

Executive Summary

1. Modern Dialectal Similarities
   
   
This chapter initiates a comparative survey of Sinitic-Vietnamese lexical items, highlighting shared phonological and semantic traits across Chinese dialects. Through examples drawn from Mandarin, Cantonese, Hainanese, and other regional varieties, the chapter demonstrates that many Vietnamese words, surprisingly abundant in colloquial usage, align closely with Mandarin. These correspondences often manifest in doublets, triplets, and idiomatic expressions, revealing a deep structural affinity. The analysis emphasizes that such similarities are not coincidental but rooted in historical phonology, cultural transmission, and syntactic convergence. Vietnamese, unlike Japanese or Korean, has maintained a continuous Sinitic orientation for over two millennia, with lexical material flowing in from various Chinese dialects and evolving into native forms.


2. The Role of Mandarin

Mandarin is positioned as both a historical and methodological anchor in this chapter. Despite its phonological divergence from Middle Chinese, modern Mandarin, particularly its northeastern subdialect and Beijing vernacular, retains features that resonate with Sinitic-Vietnamese expressions. The chapter challenges the common belief that Vietnamese is more closely related to Cantonese, arguing instead that Mandarin’s influence, especially through colloquial and literary transmission, has been profound. Mandarin’s standardized Romanization (pinyin) facilitates phonetic comparison and serves as a practical tool for etymological analysis. The chapter also explores how Mandarin functioned as a lingua franca during Chinese rule, shaping the development of Vietnamese vocabulary through both formal and vernacular channels.

Together, these two themes reinforce the chapter’s central thesis: that Vietnamese and Chinese share a complex, layered linguistic relationship—one that cannot be fully understood without acknowledging the enduring influence of Mandarin and the structural parallels across modern dialects.

Sinitic-Vietnamese words exhibit not only interchangeable phonological patterns but also a shared constellation of unique traits, revealing a deep structural oneness between the two linguistic systems. Since the latter half of the 20th century, however, many Vietnamese specialists have gradually distanced themselves from the Sino-Tibetan paradigm, favoring instead the Western-initiated Austroasiatic framework. As a result, scholarly attention to newly identified Sinitic-Vietnamese etyma has waned, and few methodological innovations have emerged from the Sino-Tibetan camp in recent decades.

This chapter reasserts the importance of identifying Vietnamese words that are demonstrably cognate with rightful Chinese roots. It is worth recalling that “Sinitic” refers to the entire class of Chinese dialects, under which thousands of Vietnamese lexical items can be positively identified. Yet inclusion under the Sinitic umbrella does not imply that all such words originated directly from Chinese. Many may have entered Vietnamese through Chinese written transmission or indirect borrowing,; the etymon could be from ancient Yue,  modern Japanese, or English sources. Examples include kông (river, harbor), cồ (male), Miên (Khmer), chấtlượng (quality), tá (dozen),  ưumặc (humor),  and câulạcbộ (club).

To evaluate the plausibility of mainstream Chinese cognacy, this study introduces a novel methodological framework grounded in polysyllabic analysis. It challenges the rigid phonological assumption that each syllable in a compound word undergoes sound change independently of its root. For instance, sẵnsàng 現成 (xiànchéng, 'made ready') diverges from its component morphemes: 現 corresponds to giờ ('now') and 成 to xong ('already'), illustrating semantic drift across syllables.

Complementing this is an analogy-based approach to semantic induction, examining oppositional pairs such as nặng 重 (zhòng, 'heavy') vs. nhẹ 輕 (qīng, 'light'), and cao 高 (gāo, 'high') vs. thấp 低 (dì, 'low'). These pairs extend into polysyllabic derivatives like nặngnhẹ 輕重 (qīngzhòng) and caothấp 高低 (gāodì), each bearing layered meanings beyond their literal oppositions.

Together, these strategies—developed by the author—offer a more nuanced lens for exploring etymological convergence and lexical inheritance than any "Austroasiatic Mon-Khmerist" can offer, laying the groundwork for deeper inquiry in the chapters ahead as baseline for the next Sinologist generation to work on.

I) Modern Dialectal Similarities

In this chapter, we initiate a focused survey of Sinitic-Vietnamese lexical items, tracing their shared phonological and semantic features across a spectrum of Chinese dialects and subdialects spanning multiple historical epochs. As is standard practice in historical linguistics, readers are encouraged to proceed with a foundational premise first —widely accepted in the field — that certain phonological correspondences serve as valid anchors for comparative analysis, that is, there is no need for the author to elaborate on it.

For example, the Mandarin compound 雞母 (jīmǔ) plausibly encompasses both Sino-Vietnamese gàmái and gàmẹ ('hen'), while its parallel form 雞公 (jīgōng) corresponds to vernacular Vietnamese gàcồ, and 雄雞 (xióngjī) aligns with gàtrống ('rooster'). Notably, the latter appears in reversed syntactic order—[modified + modifier]—reflecting native Vietnamese structure. These compounds are constructed from morpho-syllabic roots that were once flexible in position before crystallizing into stable polysyllabic forms.

Accordingly, they serve as valid analytical entry points, without necessitating exhaustive etymological parsing of each individual item. The author will not be obligated to explain why; that is common sense and the academic norms. Such correspondences are treated as cognates under established principles of historical phonology, so to speak. 

When dealing with multiple doublets or triplets or quartets, we are in fact observing variations in frequency and usage across colloquial speech. Irregular vocal interchanges among the masses have contributed to evolving sound change patterns in the target language. The deeper questions of "why" and "how" such changes occurred belong to another branch of linguistic inquiry. Here, the author’s intent is to present newly identified lexical correspondences, many of which emerge from reexamining and remediating earlier works, such as André-Georges Haudricourt’s foundational studies on tonogenesis (Haudricourt, 1954).

Sinitic-Vietnamese doublets, or derived forms of shared origin, often correspond to contemporary Mandarin, regional colloquial, and dialectal variants. Some even appear in idiomatic usage, suggesting a close, if not genealogical, relationship. As previously noted, these words share not only phonological and syllabic structures but also distinctive semantic traits. Their etymology is deeply embedded in cultural contexts that shaped their development over time.

Historically, in contrast to Japanese or Korean, Vietnamese has maintained a deeply Sinitic orientation for over 2,230 years, marked by a continuous influx of lexical material from Chinese sources, including contemporary media. The following selection aims to present representative lexical items rooted in Mandarin, drawn from both colloquial usage and regional dialects. 

This section initiates an examination of representative cases, selected at random, that illustrate lexical origins rooted in Mandarin, colloquial registers, and regional dialects. For the purposes of clarity, idiomatic expressions are temporarily excluded from analysis.

•  con (child) [ 仔 /kẽ/ (Fukienese). Cognate with 子 zǐ < MC tsɨ < OC *ʔslɯʔ ],
• ba (three) [ SV sa | M 三 sān, sàn, sā, sēn (tam, tạm, tám, sâm) < MC sam || Hainanese /ta1/ ],
• chào (hello) [ SV tảo | M 早 zăo < MC tsaw < OC *ʔsuːʔ, cf. VS 'sớm' (early) ],
• nào (which) [ SV na | M 哪 něi, nǎi, nā < MC na < OC *naːl, *naːlʔ, *naːls ],
• đừng (don't) [ M 甭 péng (Beijing dialect) | M 甭 (甮) béng, bèng, qì < MC kʰi < OC *kʰlids ],
• tim, lòng (heart, feelings) [ SV tâm | M 心 xīn < MC sjəm < OC *sjəm (< *ljəŋʷ) | Pre-SV *sjʌmʔ, § Cant. /sʌm/, Old Viet. 'lâm' | VS 'lòng' /lɔŋʷ/ and 'tim', SV tâm /tʌm/ | cf. 點心 diănxīn: SV 'điểmtâm' (breakfast) vs. VS 'lótlòng' (snack) | § VS 'tìm': 尋 xún (tầm) < MC tsjim < OC *lhjəm < PC *ljəm || Note: The concept could be extended to 腸 as in 心腸 xīnchăng (SV 'tâmtrường') with a word in Vietnamese that reads VS "tấmlòng" or (heart), an extension of "lòngdạ" (heart), figuratively. ],
• mắt (eye) [ SV mục | M 目 mù < MC muwk < OC *mug | PNH: QĐ muk6, Hẹ muk8, muk7, Hai. /mat7/, Ex. 目鏡 Hai. /mat7kɜng5/ VS 'mắtkiếng' (eyeglasses) | Note: the same word order, and, interestingly, probably not by coincidence, the same concept of 'eye' is for the sound /mat/ in Malay languages. ],
• ốm (skinny) [ SV ân | M 奀 ēn | § M 瘦 shòu: VS 'gầy' vs. 'sỏ' | Note: the Vietnamese usage for 'ốm' extended to the concept of 'sick, ill'. ],
• đó ('nớ' Huế subdialect) (that) [ SV na | M 那 nà, nèi, nuò, nuó, nă (nỏ, nã, ná) < MC na < OC *na:l, *naːlʔ, *na:ls  | Note: some other authors postulate that the 'nớ' in Huế dialect could have originated from a Chamic word. So far the author has not found evidences that substantiate the claim, but all is possible for Huế subdialect evolved in the first prefecture annexed in the 13th century, that is much closer to ancient Champa Kingdom's capital. ],
• bậu (southern subdialect) (sister) [ SV muội | M 妹 mèi​ < MC mwəj < OC *mɯːds  | Dialects: Cant. mui6, Hakka moe5, Amoy be6, Tchiewchow mue6, Fukienese muoi5, Jian'ou mue | See 'biết' for the interchange /b-/ ~ /m-/ ],
• biết (know) (?) [ Hainanese /bat7/ <~ clipping of '明白 míngbǎi (SV minhbạch)' | Note: According to Tsu-lin Mei: FC (Fuzhou) /paiʔ/, AM (Amoy) /bat/ ‘to know, to recognize’. AM /b-/ generally corresponds to FC /m-/; the upper register tone with a voiced initial is also incongruous. Douglas gives a Tung-an form pat for Southern Min, so we regard the AM form as irregular. We can compare all these forms with VN biết ‘to know, to recognize.’],
• đuợc (obtain, get) [ SV đắc | M QT 得 dé, děi, de < MC tək < OC *tɯːɡ | (Beijing dialect) 'OK', Cant. /dak1/, Hẹ /det7/, Hai /dak8/ | In Northwestern Chinese usage, while 得 dé is still employed modally, speakers often substitute 中 zhòng to express the concept of được in Vietnamese. This reflects a broader semantic shift in Vietnamese, where được has evolved to encompass a positively passive construction, functionally similar to 被 bèi (SV bị). However, bị traditionally carries a negative passive connotation, except in modern expressions such as bị ngon ("被香"), meaning "delicious", which marks a relatively recent and notable semantic development.
  Additionally, among lower-class Northern Vietnamese speakers, there is a tendency to play with language in unconventional or provocative ways to attract attention. For instance, using "conáo" instead of the more standard chiếcáo (shirt) exemplifies such linguistic experimentation.],
• tiếng (sound, fame, language) [ SV thanh | M 聲 shēng < MC ɕiajŋ < OC qʰjeŋ | According to Starostin: Cant. ʃieŋ21, Amoy: sɨŋ11 (literary); siã11, Chaozhou: siã11, Fukienese siŋ11 (literary); ZYYY: ʃijəŋ1 | cf. 蠻聲 Mansheng (VS tiếngMôn) of the Shaozhou Tuhua (韶州土話) subdialects spoken in the border region of the north of Guangdong 廣東, Hunan 湖南, and Guangxi 廣西 provinces, mutually unintelligible with Hunanese, Cantonese, and Mandarin (https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Yuebei_Tuhua). ],
• đúng, trúng (correct, hit in right spot) [ M 中 zhòng (used most often Chinese northeastern dialects) ],
• xong, sẵn (okay, ready) [ SV thành | M 成 chéng (Beijing dialect) | M 成 chéng < MC dʑiajŋ < OC *djeŋ ],
• rồi, nổi (grammatical particles indicating 'already' and 'capacity', respectively) [ SV liễu | M 了 lē, liǎo < MC lɛw < OC *reːwʔ | Dialects: Cant. liu5, Hakka liau3, Tchiewchow liou2, liao2, liou3, liao3 | ex. Không quên nổi: 忘不了! Wàng bùliăo! (cannot forget), Quênrồi: 忘了 Wànglē! (already forgot) || Note: in Vietnamese as a grammatical particle, semantically, other usages are virtually the same as those in Vietnamese, for example, 我 不再 回來 了! Wǒ bù zài huílái le! (Tôi sẽ không trởvề nữa!), 他 抱緊 了 我. Tā bàojǐn le wǒ. (Nó ômchặc lấy tôi.), 小偷 看見 了 警察 後 拔腿 就 跑. Xiăotòu kànjiàn le jǐngchá hòu bá​tuǐjìupăo. (Têntrộm trôngthấy cảnhsát là vácgiòmàchạy.), 累壞了. Lèihuàile. (Mệtnhoàira.) ],
• sẽ (will) [ SV tương | M 將 jiāng, jiàng, qiāng  < MC tsɨaŋ < OC *ʔsaŋ, *ʔsaŋs ],
• vẫn (still) [ SV nhưng | M 仍 réng < MC ȵiŋ < OC *njɯŋ  | Xī'ān dialect (西安話) /vaŋ12/ ],
• hội, họp, hẹn, hụi, hay, hiểu (meeting, dating, personal loan, aware, understand) [ SV hội | Vh @ 會 huì ~ 'hiểu' 曉 xiǎo (SV hiểu) ~ 'hay' 知 zhī (SV tri) | M 會 huì, kuài, guā, guài, huǐ, guì (hội, cối) < MC kwaj, ɦuɑi < OC *ko:bs, *go:bs ],
• lợn (little pig) [ (SV độn) | M 豘 (豚, 㹠) tún, dùn < MC don < AC *lhwǝ̄n < OC *ɫhwǝ̄n < PC **ɫhūn | Cant. tyun4, Hakka tun3 || Kangxi: 豘《集韻》同豚。本作𠭣。或作㹠。通作肫。|| § Southern VS 亥 hài 'heo' (pig) ],
• cún (puppy) [ (SV khuyển (canine) | M 犬 quăn < MC khwijen < OC *khwyi:nʔ | Cant. hyun2, Hakka kian3 || cf. ex. 犬牙 quănyá: VS 'răngcấm', 'răngkhểnh' (canine), 犬坐 quănzuò: 'chồmhỗm' (squat) ],
• cầy (dog) [ Also, VS 'chó', SV cẩu | M 狗 gǒu < MC kjəw < OC *ko:ʔ | § proto-Vietic *klo ],
• trâu (water buffalo), ngầu, ngon (tough) [ SV 'ngưu' | M 牛 níu < MC ŋjəw < OC *ŋujə | Note: FQ 《唐韻》語求切 ~> 'ngầu' | Dialects: Cant. ngau4, Hakka ngieu2 ],
• kho (stew) [ M 扣 kòu (SV khấu) | cf. Hainanese, Cantonese 扣肉 kòuròu ~ VS 'thịtkho' (stewed meat) ],
• kẹo (stingy) [ SV khú | M 摳 kòu ],
• tếu (funny) [ SV 'đậu' | Also, VS 'đùa' (play a joke on) | M 逗 dòu ],
• soài (mango ) [ M 檨 shē (SV soa), /suã/ (Fukienese) | Note: modern Mandarin '芒果 mángguǒ' ],
• cam (orange) [ SV cam | M 柑 gān, qián < MC kam < OC *ka:m ],
• chanh (lemon) [ SV trành, also: VS camsành 'orange' @& '柑 gān (cam)' + '橙 chéng (sành)' | M 橙 chéng, chén, dèng (tranh, chanh, đặng, sập) < MC ɖajŋ < OC *dhrǝ̄ŋ, cf. modern M 檸檬 níngméng <~ 'lemon' (Eng.) ],
• quýt (tangerine) [ SV quất | M 橘 jú < MC kjwit < OC *kwit ],
• bánh (biscuit) [ SV bính | M 餅 bǐng < MC pjɛŋ < OC *peŋʔ ],
• cháo (rice porridge) [ SV chúc | M 粥 (鬻) zhōu, zhù, yù < MC tʂiwk < OC *tɕuwk ],
• chè (tea, sweet soup) [ SV trà | M 茶 chá | § 香茶 'satế' (Teochow) ],
• cúng (sacrificial offerings) [ SV cống | M 供 gōng, gòng (cung, cống) < MC kuawŋ < OC *kloŋ, *kloŋs ],
• chỉ (mace) [ VS tiền || M 錢 qián, jiǎn < MC tsiɛn, dziɛn < OC *zlen, *ʔslenʔ || cf. 本錢. běnqián. (VS vốnliếng.) ],
• tá (dozen) [ SV đả | M 打 dǎ (<~ neologism 'dozen' Eng.), cf. VS 'đánh' (strike) ],
• phở (also: bún, bột, bụi) (noodle soup, noodle, flour) [ SV phấn | QT 粉 fěn, fèn < MC pun < OC *pɯnʔ ],

and in dissyllabic forms,


• chẳnghề (never) [ M 未嘗 wèicháng || M 未 wèi < MC muj < OC *mɯds || M 嘗 (嚐,甞) cháng (thường, thưởng) < MC dʑɨaŋ < OC *djaŋ ],
• trẻnhỏ (little kids) [ 小孩兒 xiăoháir (Beijing dialect) ],
• trẻnhỏ (little kids) [ 小娃兒 xiăowá'ér (Nanjing dialect) ],
• trẻnhỏ (little kids) [ 細人子 xīrénzǐ (Changsha dialect) ],
• đámtrẻnhỏ (little kids) [ 大細兒 dàxī'ér (Hakka dialect) ],
• lũtrẻcon (little kids) [ 細佬哥 /sej1lu3ko5/ (Cantonese) ],
• bàxã ("wife" as called by her husband) [ 媳婦兒 xífūr (Beijing dialect) ~ 老婆 lăopó (Cantonese and Northeastern Mandarin dialects) ],
• đằngấy ("wife" as called by her husband) [ 堂客 tángkè (Hunan and Hubei dialects) ],
• chúngmình (we) [ SV tamôn | M 咱們 zánmen (cf. 'chúngta') ],
• gàcồ (rooster) [ SV kêcông | M sound for this dialectal form as 雞公 jīgōng (kêcông) ~ modern M 公雞 gōngjī (côngkê) | Dialects: 雞公 jīgōng (Hainanese /koikong/, Fukienese, Amoy, and archaic Cant. — note the same word order) || cf. 'gàtrống' 雄雞 xióngjī  — in reverse order],
• gàmái, gàmẹ (hen) [ SV kêmẫu | M sound for this dialectal form as 雞母 jīmǔ (SV kêmẫu) ~ modern M 母雞 mǔjī (SV mẫukê) | Dialects: 雞母 jīmǔ (Hai. /koi1mai2/ Fukienese, Amoy, and even Cant. — note the same word order); cf. 海 hăi (SV hải, VS bể) 'sea', 梅 méi (VS me) 'tamarind' ],
• bụbẫm, mậpphệ (healthy baby, fat) [ SV phìbạn | M 肥胖 féipàn \ @ 'nộm' | @& '肥 féi (phì, mập, bụ)' + '肥 féi (phệ)', ~ + '胖 pàn (bẩm)' (reduplicative morpheme) | M 肥 féi < MC bwyj < OC *bjəj ],
• ngôbắp (corn) [<~ SV baomễ | M 苞米 bāomǐ / @ clipping of 玉米 yùmǐ (SV ngọcmễ) ~> 'ngô' ],
• đậuphụng (peanut) [ M 花生 huāshēng | Dialects: Hainanese # /wun2dou2/, Cant. '/fa1sang1/ ~ 'phụng' + /dou2/ ~ 'đậu', § Northern V 落 luò (SV lạc) for 'peanut' ],
• biếnglười (lazy) [ Also, VS # 'lườibiếng' ~ 'làmbiếng' | M 犯懶 fànlǎn ],
• luônluôn (always) [ M 往往 wángwǎng ~ M 老老 láoláo (Beijing dialect — a case of loangraph or jiăjiē 假借) | M 往 wǎng, wàng, wáng < MC ɦʷiɐŋ < OC *ɢʷaŋ ],
• đượcrồi (okay, that's fine) [ SV đắcliễu | M 得了 déle (Beijing dialect, Hainanese /dak7ljaw2/) ],
• khôngsaokểxiết (innumerable) [ M 不可勝計 bùkěshèngjì ],
• hiềnlành (good character) [ Also VS 'hiềnlương', SV thiệnlương | M 善良 shànliáng \ @ 善 shàn (thiện) ~ 'hiền' 賢 xián (thiện) | M 善 shàn (thiện, thiến) < MC dʑiɛn < OC *ɡjenʔ | ¶ /sh- ~ h-/ || 良 liáng < MC lɨaŋ < OC *raŋ ],
• vấtvả (work hand to mouth) [ SV bônba | M 奔波 bēnbó | M 奔 (犇) bēn, bèn, fèn < MC puon < OC *pɯːn, *pɯːns || M 波 bō, pō, bēi, bì < MC pʌw < OC *paj, *pa:l ],
• tắmrửa (bathe) [ SV tẩytảo | M 洗澡 xízăo /to4jat8/ (Hainanese) | M 洗 xǐ, xiăn (tẩy, tiển) < MC siej < OC *sjə:rʔ | ¶ /x- ~ r-/ : Ex. 婿 xū (tu) rễ, 鬚 xū (tu) râu ],
• rácrưới, rácrến (trash) [ SV lạpcấp | M 垃圾 lēsē, lājī, lāji | ¶ /l- ~ r- /<= ra- + k-, ® /-ấp/, Ex. 'Iraq' 伊拉克 yīlākē ~ 'Irắc' || M 垃 lā, lè ~ ht. QT 拉 lā, lá, lă, là, bá < MC lap < OC *rhjə:p || M 圾 (岌) jī​ < MC gip < OC *ŋɡrɯb ],
• dêxòm (lecherous) [ SV dâmtrùng | M 淫蟲 yínchóng  | M 淫 (滛) yín, yàn, yáo < MC jim < OC *lɯm || QT 蟲 chóng < MC ɖuwŋ < OC *l'uŋ, *l'uŋs | Note: hence giving rise to another alternation "quỹrâuxanh" 淫蟲鬼 yíngchóngguǐ 'sex offender') ],
• trộmcướp (robber) [ SV đạotặc | M 盜賊 dàozéi | M 盜 dào < MC daw < OC *daːws || M 賊 zéi < MC dzək < OC *zɯːɡ || cf. 'đạochích' (burglar) identified with Dao Zhi 盜跖 or 盜蹠 (Robber Zhi), a slave rebel leader of the Spring and Autumn period. ],
• đánhcắp , đánhcướp (rob) [ SV đảkiếp ' (VS ) | M 打劫 dăjié | M 打 dă, dá, děng < MC tɛjŋ, taɨjŋ < OC *te:ŋ, *rteŋʔ || M  劫 (刦, 刧, 刼) jié < MC kɛp < OC *kap, *kab ],
• ănđòn (get beaten, be punished) [ SV nhaiđả | M 挨打 ăidă | M 挨打 ăidă \ @ 挨 ăi ~ 'ăn' |  M 挨 ăi, ái, āi (ai, ải, nhai) < MC ʔəɨj < OC *qlɯːʔ, *qrɯːʔ, *qrɯː || M 打 dă, dá, děng < MC tɛjŋ, taɨjŋ < OC *te:ŋ, *rteŋʔ ],
• bênhvực (be on one's side) [ M  bỉhù | ¶ /h- ~ v-/ ],
• trăntrối (deathbed words) [ VS 'trốitrăn' | M 交待 jiāodài || M 交 jiāo < MC kaɨw < OC *kreːw || M 待 dài, dāi < MC dəj < OC *dɯːʔ | cf. 'traođổi' (exchange words) ],
• nhìnnhận (admit) [ SV thừanhận | M 承認 chéngrèn || M 承 chéng, zhēng, zhěng, zhèng, zèng (thừa, thặng) < MC dʑiŋ < OC *ɡljɯŋ],
• chịuđựng (withstand) [ M 承受 chéngshòu  | M 受 shòu < MC dʑuw < OC *djuʔ, *tu:s  | cf. (1) lãnhđủ, (2) thunhận, (3) thâunhận, (4) gắngchịu, (5) nhậnchịu, (6) hứngchịu, (7) chịuđựng ],
• mĩmcười (smile) [ Also, VS 'ngậmcười' | (1) 微笑 wěixiào (SV vitiếu), also VS 'nụcười', (2) M 含笑 hánxiào (SV hàmtiếu, also meaning 'cute' | M 含 hán, hàn < MC ɦəm < OC *ɡɯːm || M 笑 xiào < MC siaw < OC *sqʰows  | ¶ /x- ~ c-(k-)/ | cf. 'ngậmcườichínsuối' 含笑九泉 hánxiàojǐuquán (literally, 'smile in the afterworld'), 含笑不語 hànxiàobùyù (mĩmcười khôngnói) ],
• chánngán (weary, dreary, sick of) [ VS 'ngánngẫm' | M 厭倦 yànjuān (SV yếmquyện) | M 厭 yàn < MC ʔjɜm < OC *ʔems | cf. VS 'chánđời' 厭世 yànshì (SV yếmthế) 'world-weary, pessimistic' ],
• nóngnảy (temper) [ Also, VS 'nôngnổi' | M 衝動 chōngdòng (SV xungđộng) \ @ 衝 chōng ~ 'nóng', 'nông' | ¶ /ch- ~ n-/, @ 動 dòng (động) ~ 'nổi', 'nảy' (tl.) | ¶ /d- ~ n-/ | M 衝 chōng, chòng < MC tsjouŋ < OC *thoŋ || QT 動 dòng < MC dʊŋ < OC *dho:ŋʔ ],
• tầmbậy, sàbát (nonsense) [ M 三八 sānbā (Fukienese, Taiwanese, Hainanese) | M 三 sān, sàn, sā, sēn < MC sɑm, sʌm < OC *sjə:m, *sjə:ms || M 八 bā < MC pat < OC *pre:t  | Note: from modern sexist usage to mock women on their international day August the 3rd annually. ],
• làmhỏng (spoil, break) [ SV lộnghoàng | M 弄黃 nònghuáng | M 弄 nòng, lòng, nèng < MC ləwŋ < OC *roːŋs  || M 黃 (黄) huáng (hoàng, huỳnh) < MC gwɒŋ < OC *ɡʷaːŋ  || Note: northern dialects. cf. 黃豆 (huángdòu, VS đậunành, 'soybean')],
• cùlét (tickle) [ /ka2lɛt7/ (Hainanese) = VS 'thọclét', 'chọccười' | M 胳肢 gézhī  | M 胳 (肐 gē) gē, gé, gā (cách, các, ca) < MC  kak < OC *ka:g  || M 肢 zhī < MC ciə̆ < OC *kje ],
• mainày (tomorrow) [ M 明兒 mínr (Beijing dialect) ~> mainày | M 明 míng < MC maiŋ < OC *mraŋ (= modern M 明日 míngrì (VS ngàymai) ],
• riêngtư (privacy) [ @ M 隱 yǐn (VS 'riêng') <~ M 隐私 yǐnsī (SV ẩntư) | M 隱 yǐn < MC ʔyn < OC *ʔjənʔ ],
• chếtyểu (die young) [ SV yêuchiết | M 夭折 yāozhé | M 夭 yāo, yăo, wāi, wò (yêu, yểu) < MC ʔew < OC *ʔaw || M 折 zhé, shé, tí, zhē (chiết, đề) < MC tɕiɛt, dʑiat, dei < OC*l'el, *ʔljed, *ɦljed ],
• mộttay (connoisseur, expert) [ Also, VS 'mộtcây', SV nhấtthủ | @ M 一手 yīshǒu | QT 一 yī, yí, yì, yāo < MC ʔjit < OC *qliɡ || QT 手 shǒu < MC ɕuw < OC *hnjɯwʔ ],
• bạttai, bàntay (spank, palm) [ SV bachưởng | M 手板 shǒubăn ~ M 巴掌 bāzhăng (~ bộptai < bàntay | Viet 'tay' <~ ® @ bàntay | M 巴掌 bāzhăng ~ bạttai, | M 掌 zhăng \ Vh @ 掌 zhăng ~ tay 手 shǒu (thủ) | § 巴腳 bājiăo bànchân, bạttai 巴掌 bāzhăng (~ bàntay) — bā => bạt, bộp, and bàn, tai in bạttai~> tay, therefore 掌 zhăng => tay || Dialects: Sichuan, Cant., Amoy: 手板 shǒubăn (thủbản) # 'bàntay' | ex. 一巴掌 yī bāzhăng (một bạttai) || Cf. 批打 pīdă (phêđả) VS 'bạttai' ~ 'táttai' ~ 'bộptai' ],
• bắtcóc (kidnap) [ SV bảnggiả | M 綁架 băngjià \ @ 綁 băng ~ 'bắt' 捕 bǔ (bổ), @ 架 jià ~ 'cóc' | M 綁 (紡) băng < MC pʰuaŋ < OC *pʰaŋʔ || QT 架 jià < MC kɑ, kaɨ < OC *kra:js, *kra:ls || cf. 拐騙 guǎipiàn (VS lừabịp), 'swindle' ],
• lẽsống (ideal, raison d'être) [ SV lítưởng | M 理想 líxiăng \ @ 想 xiăng ~ 'sống' 生 shēng | M 理 lǐ < MC lɨ < OC *rɯʔ || M 想 xiăng < MC sɨaŋ < OC *slaŋʔ ],
• bậnviệc (busy working) [ SV manghoạt | M 忙活 mánghuó | M 忙 máng < MC maŋ < OC *ma:ŋ || M 活 huó, guō (hoạt, quạt) < MC kwat < OC *ko:d, *go:d ],
• đìuhiu (desolate) [ SV tiêuđiều | M 蕭條 xiāotiáo ],
• bộtbáng (tapioca) [ M 波霸 bōbà ],
• chảlụa (meatloaf) [ SV tácnhục | M 炸肉 zhàròu | Note: Hence, 炸 zhà ~> 'chả', cf. modern 紮 zhà for VS 'chả' (literally 'bundle up'), cf. 扎肉 zhāròu (VS giòlụa ],
• barọi (fat meat) [ SV phìnhục | M 肥肉 féiròu || M 肥 féi, bǐ < MC buj < OC *bɯl || M 肉 ròu < MC ȵuwk < OC *njuɡ],
• tồitệ (vicious) [ SV tibi /tejbej/ | M 卑鄙 bēibǐ ],
• đáidầm (bedwetting) [ SV niệusàng | M 尿床 niàochuáng | M 尿 (溺) niào, suī (niệu, tuy) < MC nɛw < OC *neːwɢs | ¶ /n- ~ đ-, t-/, Ex. 鳥 niăo, diăo : SV điểu || M 牀 (床) chuáng < MC dʐɨaŋ < OC *zraŋ | ¶ /ch- ~ gi-/ ],
• đồngbạc (monetary unit) [ SV đồngbản | M 銅板 tóngbăn > 銅 tóng ~> ® 'đồng' (Vietnamese monetary unit) which has been transcribed back to the modern M as 頓 dùn, with the colocator 'bạc' evolved from 錢幣 (qiánbì, SV tiềntệ), VS tiềnbạc, 'currency') via a process of association of 幣 bì with 白 bái (bạch) <~ 白金 bái (bạchkim) 'silver'. ],
• đồngtiền (money) [ SV đồngtiền | M 銅錢 tóngqián ],
• đitiền, điđám (give the money gift) [ SV tuỳtiền | M 隨錢 suíqián | M  隨 suí < MC zʷiɛ < OC *ljol || M 錢 qián, jiǎn < MC tsiɛn, dziɛn < OC *zlen, *ʔslenʔ || Note: northern dialects, Ex. 他 結婚 我 隨錢 一千 美金. Tā jiéhūn wǒ suíqián yīqiān Měijīn. (Đámcưới nó tao điđám mộtngàn Mỹkim.) ],
  
• vốnliếng (asset) [ VS 'tiềnvốn', SV 'bổntiền' | M 本錢 běnqián || M 本 běn < MC pwən < OC *pɯːnʔ M 本 běn < MC pwən < OC *pɯːnʔ || M 錢 qián, jiǎn < MC tsiɛn, dziɛn < OC *zlen, *ʔslenʔ || Note: VS reverse order of 本錢. běnqián = 'vốnliếng'. | cf. 當本錢. dàngběnqián. (VS đemlàmvốn, 'invested money') ],
  
  and so on so forth.

Occurrences of historical sound changes are common in any language. Those familiar with Indo-European etymologies may have encountered irregular shifts among words from the same root across related languages, for example, 'water', 'stay', 'throne', 'rank', 'sudden', or 'throne' in English and 'eau', 'rester', 'trône', 'rang', 'soudane', or 'trône' in French, respectively. Readers who are not linguists may have little idea how these changes actually occurred. It's no surprise that many cannot grasp the established patterns of the etyma cited above. To them, the words may not even appear cognate. What they might notice more easily are missing 'heads' or 'tails' — drops of initial, medial, or final sounds — similar to how French handles conjugation or case endings.

In the case of Sinitic-Vietnamese vocabulary, sound change patterns differ from the systematic interchanges found in historical phonology. These changes don't always follow the expected rules, whether viewed synchronically or diachronically. Notably, such shifts were more drastic in ancient times as seen today, partly because modern media allow people across regions to speak more uniformly — as seen in English or Chinese.

Many culturally accented words go beyond basic vocabulary. In both Vietnamese and Chinese dialects, there are northern colloquial expressions with no parallels in other Sino-Tibetan or Mon-Khmer languages. Consider the following examples, grouped by polysyllabic structure:

• 'làmgương' (榜樣 bǎngyàng, 'exemplify')
• 'hiếuthảo' (孝順 xiàoshùn, 'filial piety')
• 'đứchạnh' (德行 déxìng, 'virtue')
• 'vềtrời' (歸天 guītiān, 'pass away')
• 'suốivàng' (黃泉 huángquán, 'the afterworld')
• 'sưtửHàĐông' (河東獅子 Hédōng shīzǐ, 'tiger wife')

These examples show phonological, syntactic, and semantic interpolations that suggest a unique linguistic affiliation. 

Both languages share morphemic traits that seem to stem from a common ancient root. For instance, morphemes beginning with 'f-' often relate to blowing or flying; those ending in '-ay' or '-ây' suggest smallness or youth; and those ending in '-au' imply withdrawal or contraction (see Đào Trọng Đủ, 1983).

Over more than 3,000 years of contact (Zhang, 1990), many etyma have localized into native Vietnamese forms, much like Japanese Kanji. Some terms began as technical concepts and entered common usage. For example:

• 'mặttiền' (前面 qiánmiàn, SV 'tiềndiện', 'facade')
• 'trướcmặt' and 'mặttrước' (面前 miànqián, 'front')

Newcomers to this field should note that while many Sino-Vietnamese words are used in speech,  like 'thịphạm' (示范 shìfàn, 'demonstrate') and 'đảmbảo' (擔保 dānbǎo, 'guarantee'), others remain literary and follow stricter rules. For instance:

• 'thượngsơn' (上山 shàngshān — clipping of 上遊 山人shàng​yóu shānrén ) may become VS 'lênnúi' or 'lênnon', but NOT 'lên' + SV 'sơn' ("lênsơn" that may mean something like 'put on a new paint' associated with different Chinese etymons.)
• 'ngườithượng' (上人 shàngrén, 'montagnard') is preferred over 'sơnnhân' (山人 shānrén, 'mountain person')
• 'giangsơn' (江山 jiāngshān) and 'sôngnúi', 'núisông', or 'nonsông' (VS) both mean 'country' or 'mountains and rivers'

In historical phonology, divergence often leads to fission forms that evolve into vernacular expressions. Examples include:

• 'mainày' from 明兒 mínr → 'mai' ('tomorrow')
• 'bênhvực' from 庇護 bìhù → 'bênh' ('side with')
• 'kẹođường' from 糖果 tángguǒ → 'kẹo' ('candy')

During the colonial period under imperial China, Chinese loanwords continued to enter Vietnamese and were gradually adapted to local speech habits. This process included phonemic substitutions, such as /b/ becoming either /ɓ/ or /b/, and /p/ shifting toward /pf/ or /ph/, e.g., 

• 'buồng' (房 fáng, SV phòng, 'room')
• 'buông' (放 fàng, SV phóng, 'let go')
• 'buồm' 帆 (fán, SV phàm, 'sail mast')
• 'bè' 筏 (fá, SV phà, 'raft, ferry')
• 'bữa' (飯 fàn, SV phạn, 'cooked rice')
• 'bực' (煩 fán, SV phiền, 'disturbed')

Sound changes often begin with initial consonants as reflected the phonological tendencies of Vietnamese. For example, the Vietnamese word 'dở' /jə/ derives from 亞 yà, Middle Chinese /ʔɑ/, and corresponds to the Sino-Vietnamese form 'a'. Similarly, 'yên' /jen/ comes from 安 ān, MC /ʔan/, and aligns with the SV reading 'an' /ɑn/. The word 'em' /ɛm/, meaning 'younger sibling', traces back to 妹妹 mèimèi, MC /mwojmwoj/, showing a clear contraction and localization by clipping the original form.

Interestingly, most monosyllabic words in both Chinese and Vietnamese begin with a consonant, in contrast to the vowel-initial tendency found in English. This shared structural feature is evident in acronym formation, such as HHQGĐNA for 'Hiệp hội Quốc gia Đông Nam Á' and DNYGJXH for 東南亞 國家 協會 Dōngnán Yà Guójiā Xiéhuì, the full name of ASEAN, also known as 東盟 Dōngméng.

Phonologically, omission of sounds can result in haplologic forms. For example:

• 'đau' from 痛 tòng → SV 'thống' ('pain')
• 'thau' from 銅 tóng → SV 'đồng' ('bronze')

Vietnamese finals retain diphthongs and endings like '-wŋ', '-wŋ͡m', '-wk', and '-wk͡p and some change into VS /-aw/. For instance, SV 'thống' /tʰəwŋ͡m5/ versus Mandarin /tʰoŋ4/. Vietnamese also preserves a wide syllabic range and eight tones with relatively stable values, peculiar features inherited from Middle Chinese but lost in some modern dialects, especially Mandarin.

Etymologically, Chinese loanwords entered Vietnamese from various dialects and historical periods. Historically, the vocabularies of Vietnamese and Chinese have evolved independently since their separation following the decline of the Tang Dynasty and, later, the NamHán State in the 10th century. These words were gradually localized and modified, often without strict linguistic constraints, especially in the case of everyday vocabulary spoken widely among the illiterate population, who were not influenced by literary conventions.

In certain cases, lexical items from the donor language were reintroduced into Vietnamese, often in altered or newly formed versions. These adaptations were shaped not only by phonological shifts but also by semantic influence from other existing words in the language. For example:

• 'hoạt' vs. 'việc' (活 huó, 'work') vs. 役 (yì, SV dịch) vs. 务 (wù , SV vụ)
• 'cộ' vs. 'xe' 檋 (jù, SV cục, 'carriage') vs. 車 (chē, SV xa)
• 'chè' vs. 'cháo' (粥 zhōu, 'rice porridge') vs. 茶 (chá, SV trà)
• 'tơ' vs. 'sợi' (絲 sī, 'silk') vs. 線 (xiàn, SV tuyến)
• 'lam' (藍 lán, 'indigo dye') vs. 'chàm' 靛 (diàn , SV điện)
• 'chài' (羅 luó, 'fish net') vs. 'lưới' 絡 (luò, SV lạc)

Each Chinese character may appear in multiple Vietnamese forms, sometimes within the same compound. For instance:

• 'xecộ' (車 chē, 'xe' + 車 chē, 'cộ'), comparable to Mandarin 輁車 júchē
• 'tộilỗi' (罪 zuì, SV 'tội' + 罪 zuì, VS 'lỗi'), analogous to Mandarin 罪過 zuìguò or 罪惡 zuì’è

Aside from more recent borrowings, ancient etyma and their locally adapted variants have become inseparable from Vietnamese vocabulary development. Consider the term 'buồngtim' (心房 xīnfáng, 'heart chamber'), composed of:

1. 'buồng' (房 fáng, 'room')
2. 'tim' (心 xīn, 'heart')

Here, 房 fáng is synonymous with the modern Chinese 室 shì (SV thất), and 'buồngtim' conveys the concept of a heart ventricle, equivalent to the medical term 'ventriculus cordis' or 心室 xīnshì in Chinese, and SV 'tâmthất' in Vietnamese, all medical terminologies currently in use.

Many of the examples above may reappear in different contexts to help readers recognize irregular sound changes and lexical formation patterns. 

Repetition serves a pedagogical purpose: by encountering these forms multiple times, readers are more likely to internalize them. Introducing new examples with similar characteristics would require additional explanation and might risk confusion. For instance:

• 'loan' (SV) vs. 'vịnh' (VS) for 灣 wān ('bay')
• 'quý' (SV /kwi5/) vs. 'mùa' (VS) for 季 jì ('season')
• 'thặng' (SV) vs. 'thừa' (VS) for 乘 chèng ('surplus')

Such patterns of sound change have been widely attested and accepted within linguistic circles. Scholars in historical linguistics often treat them as foundational premises, requiring no elaborate justification before proceeding to deeper analysis.

However, readers should not expect a consistent one-to-one correspondence across all phonetic segments—initials, medials, finals, and especially syllabic endings, or 'vần' (SV 'vận', Chinese 韻 yùn). In Vietnamese, a monosyllabic word typically consists of an initial and a final. In dissyllabic formations, the second 'vần'—the final of the second syllable—is especially prone to change. These finals, such as  /-at/, /-ang/, /-uyên/, and others, are essential phonological elements and represent a distinctive trait of the language.

Over time, changes in medial and final segments have naturally occurred, governed by internal linguistic rules. For example:

• 蒜 suàn → 'tỏi', SV 'toán' (garlic)
• 鮮 xiān → 'tươi', SV 'tiên' (fresh)

Modern French and English loanwords in Vietnamese can further help illustrate these sound change principles, reinforcing the broader patterns observed in historical phonology (see Appendix A.)

Comparable sound changes have also occurred on the Chinese side, contributing to the divergence in pronunciation between originally shared loanwords in both languages. Over time, syllabic and tonal shifts—some quite drastic—have taken place, particularly in Early Mandarin and its modern form. These developments were shaped by the linguistic influence of northern non-Han groups such as the Tartars, the Khitan (Kim), Mongols, and Manchurians, who collectively governed China for more than a millennium.

To better understand how sound changes have impacted cognates, doublets, and other derivatives from common roots, we may examine a series of legitimate forms found within the Sino-Vietnamese (HánViệt) vocabulary. These examples reflect well-attested phonological interchanges rooted in Middle Chinese, and their articulation reveals consistent patterns of transformation. The forms presented below illustrate how these historical changes are preserved in modern Mandarin pronunciation, as rendered in Putonghua pinyin.

• bì 畢: tất (VS rốt) 'final',
• chéng 承: thừa (VS dâng) 'submit',
• chēng 乘: thừa 'remains',
• chī 吃: ăn (SV ngật, cf. "ất" radical 乙 yǐ for phonetic, cf. shí 食: VS xơi) 'eat',
• é 鵝: nga (VS ngang, ngỗng) 'goose',
• ér 而: nhi (VS mà, nhưng) 'but',
• niǎo 鳥: điểu (SV) 'bird',
• qì 氣: hơi (SV khí, Cant. /hei1/) 'air',
• qián 前: trước (SV tiền, Hainanese: [taj]) 'front',
• jí 集: tập (VS gộp) 'collect',
• jì 季: quí (VS mùa) 'season',
• lǜ 率: suất (VS mức, mực) 'rate',
• mín 民: dân 'people',
• míng 名: danh 'name',
• pǐn 聘: sính 'betroth',
• rè 熱: nhiệt (VS rát, nhức) 'hot, sore',
• ròu 肉: nhục (VS ruốc) 'meat' [ cf. (chả)lụa 炸肉 (zhà)ròu, (ba)rọi 肥肉 (féi)ròu) ] ,
• shàn 扇: phiến 'flank',
• shè 攝: nhiếp (VS 'nhặt') 'gather up',
• shēng 生: sinh (VS đẻ, sống, Hainanese: [de]) 'living, give birth',
• piān 偏: thiên (VS xiên) 'slant',
• tīng 聽: thính (SV 'nghe', Hainanese: [k'e]) 'hear',
• tìng 廳: sảnh 'hall',
• pīng 娉: sính 'betroth',
• wān 灣: loan (VS vịnh) [ cf. 'vũng' as in 'Vũngtàu' (placename) ] 'bay',
• xì 惜: tích (VS tiếc) 'cherish',
• xì 吸: hấp (VS hút) 'inhale',
• xí 習: tập (VS thói(quen) 習慣 xíguàn) 'drill, habit',
• xǐ 洗: tẩy (VS tắm, rữa, giặt | @ xǐzăo 洗澡: tắmrửa (Hainanese: /to5jat8/), xǐliăn 洗臉: rửamặt, xǐyī 洗衣: giặtáo [cf. xuěhèn 雪恨: rữahờn (SV tuyếthận) 'revenge', VS 'tẩy' also means 'bleach'] 'wash',
• xiè 瀉: tả (VS chảy, xổ) 'diarrhea',
• xué 學: học (Cantonese: /hok8/, Hainanese: /fat8/) 'learn',
• yī 一: nhất (VS một) 'one',
• yì 藝: nghệ (VS nghề) 'arts, profession',
• yì 臆: ức (VS ngực) 'chest',
• yì 憶: nhớ (VS ức) 'memory',
• yì 義: nghĩa, ngãi 'righteousness',
• yì 億: ý, ức (VS tỷ) '100 million', (Viet.), 'billion',
• yù 愉: thâu, du (VS ẩu, vui) 'joyous',
• yóu 郵: bưu 'postal',
• yóu 由: do (VS bởi) 'because',
• yóu 柚: bưu (VS bưởi, bòng) 'pamelo',
• yóu 游: du (VS bơi, lội) 'swim',

and on and on.

A close examination of modern Vietnamese orthography reveals that many words, when compared to their modern Mandarin equivalents, have undergone transformations that render them nearly unrecognizable. Changes have affected all components—initials, medials, vowels, diphthongs, and finals—many of which have either shifted drastically or disappeared altogether. When compared to Cantonese pronunciations, however, a closer phonological alignment emerges, particularly with the patterns found in today's Sino-Vietnamese vocabulary. This comparison offers a broader picture of shared sound change phenomena.

Despite the global reach of modern communication, where the internet connects speakers across regions, the process of sound change continues. The question of how and why languages evolve remains a central topic in linguistic research.

As illustrated above, numerous exceptions and irregularities exist within these changes. Nonetheless, most interchanges in the Sino-Vietnamese lexicon follow systematic linguistic rules that reflect scholarly phonological behavior. These transformations tend to be more regular than those found in the broader Sinitic-Vietnamese vocabulary, which often resists batch-like shifts. In many cases, the evolution of these words may have been influenced by individual scholars who annotated or selected specific lexical forms. This makes it difficult to draw clear-cut patterns simply by tracing exceptional cases that deviate from conventional phonological norms.

Sound changes from Chinese into Sinitic-Vietnamese have been an ongoing process, typically triggered by the practical need for new vocabulary. Unlike the widespread borrowing of English terms in many global languages, Vietnamese has absorbed Chinese words in real time and through live experience. For example, during the 22-year separation between North and South Vietnam (1954–1975), Southern speakers adopted fewer than a dozen American English words introduced by U.S. soldiers. Meanwhile, Northern speakers continued to borrow dialectal terms from Cantonese, brought in by Chinese advisors, likely from Guangxi’s Báihuà (白話) vernacular. Minus military jargons, these included food-related terms such as:

• 'vằnthánh' (餛飩 húndùn, 'wonton')
• 'xuỷcảo' (水餃 shuǐjiǎo, 'dumpling')
• 'mìchính' (味精 wèijīng, 'MSG')

Southern equivalents had long existed in other forms derived from local Cantonese community:

• 'hoànhthánh'
• 'xôinước'
• 'vịtinh'

Even the 1979 border conflict and subsequent anti-Chinese policies did not halt the influx of contemporary Chinese vocabulary into the Sinitic-Vietnamese stock. Historically, such borrowing has occurred not only in daily life but also within literary circles. Many academic terms now in common use were first popularized by scholars in poetry and literary clubs. These words often originated from Sino-Vietnamese readings of Middle Chinese or Tang-era pronunciations and were later localized with poetic nuance. Examples include:

• 'bângkhuâng' (彷徨 pánghuáng, 'melancholy')
• 'ngỡngàng' (驚愕 jīng’è, 'stupefied')
• 'bỡngỡ' (彆扭 biènǐu, 'ill at ease')

Many modern Sinitic-Vietnamese words used in everyday conversation may have first been spoken by scholars, mandarins, Chinese immigrants, or soldiers; they passed on to local wives and children (see King, 1969).

In recent decades, similar transmission has occurred through Vietnamese brides who married Taiwanese husbands and gradually adopted their spouses’ language.

New Chinese loanwords have also entered Vietnamese through popular media, especially from television drama series. Examples include:

• 'bảotrọng' (保重 bǎozhòng, 'take care')
• 'traođổi' (交待 jiāodài, 'exchange words')
• 'soáica' (帥哥 shuàigē, 'handsome man')
• 'mỹnam' (美男 měinán, 'handsome man')
• 'namthần' (男神 nánshén, 'Mr Perfect')
• 'bảomẫu' (保姆 bǎomǔ, 'nanny')
• 'thịphạm' (示範 shìfàn, 'demonstration')
• 'đạocụ' (道具 dàojù, 'stage props')

The widespread presence of Sino-Vietnamese words in daily speech suggests that Mandarin may once have functioned as a lingua franca during centuries of Chinese rule. Over time, its vernacular forms diverged from scholarly usage. Eventually, Sino-Vietnamese pronunciations were codified into Nôm script following strict phonological rules. These formal terms later entered spoken language, a process by which the literati first "released" the forms and the general population adopted them. Examples include:

• 'vuachúa' (主王 zhǔwáng, 'monarch')
• 'ôngchủ' (主公 zhǔgōng, 'master')
• 'đitiền' (隨錢 suíqián, 'give money gift')
• 'thửlàm' (示範 shìfàn, 'try doing')

In contrast, modern scholarly terms currently in use include:

• 'quânvương' (君王 jūnwáng, 'king')
• 'sínhlễ' (聘禮 pìnlǐ, 'marital betrothal')
• 'thịphạm' (示範 shìfàn, 'demonstration')
• 'cườngđiệu' (強調 qiángdiào, 'emphasize')
• 'phấnkhởi' (奮激 fènjī, VS vs. SV 'phấnkích', 'excited')
• 'khủng' ('extremely', clipping from 'khủngkhiếp' 驚恐 jīngkǒng, SV kinhkhủng, 'terrifying')

These examples show that Sinitic-Vietnamese vocabulary rooted in historical phonology and enriched by literary tradition continues to evolve and remains deeply embedded in everyday language.

Many newly coined Vietnamese terms, like variant loans from earlier periods, are original innovations derived from Chinese linguistic material. Often, these words emerged from vernacular usage of scholarly forms or were locally created expressions that evolved through similar processes seen in Japanese. In fact, Japanese has produced a far greater number of neologisms written in its own adapted Chinese characters. Likewise, contemporary Sinitic-Vietnamese terms have been shaped by popular usage, with new words introduced to express modern concepts originally found in Chinese vocabulary. These terms may gain traction and enter official use—appearing in media, literature, or education—once the public adopts the most widely accepted alternatives. This pattern is evident in modern technological vocabulary, for example:

• 'kíchhoạt' (擊活 jīhuó, 'activate') vs. 'bấmchuột' (按鼠 ànshǔ, 'mouse click')
• 'máyđiệntoán' (電算機 diànsuànjī, 'computer') vs. 'máyvitính' (薇算機 wēisuànjī, 'micro computer')
• 'truycập' (追及 zhuījí, 'access') vs. 'tìmkiếm' (搜索 sòusuǒ, 'search')

In such cases, even literate native Chinese speakers may struggle to understand Vietnamese adaptations of Chinese terms, both in spoken and written form. Historically, Chinese scholars have borrowed conceptually Westernized terms created by Japanese intellectuals, but rarely from Vietnamese-Chinese sources. 

In efforts to reduce illiteracy among rural populations, Chinese reformers went so far as to incorporate vernacular speech into written literary language. Meanwhile, Vietnamese scholars remain uniquely capable of composing Tang-style rhythmic poetry using the modern Romanized script, Quốc ngữ, maintaining a literary tradition that echoes the classical past. However, the academic reach of this tradition has its limits.

In the present era, classical Chinese writing, known as 'wenyanwen' (文言文), as found in texts like the 'Analects' (論語), the 'Annals of the Three Kingdoms' (三國誌), and similar works, is characterized by its concise and compact structure. This density often leads to ambiguity, posing significant challenges for Vietnamese philologists attempting to interpret ancient Chinese texts. Nonetheless, these works preserve phonological clues to archaic Vietnamese etyma, both pre- and post-Sinitic contact. For instance, the ancestral Vietnamese forms of 'lạc' (雒), 'hùng' (雄), and 'hồng' (鴻)—as in 'Hồngbàng', 'Hùngvương', and 'Lạcvương'—may have been mis-transcribed in Middle Chinese, raising questions about their original sound values.

Consider also the lexical pairs:

• 'lúa' (來 lái, 'paddy') vs. 'gạo' (稻 dào, 'rice')
• 'cơm' (餐 cān, 'meal') vs. 'bữa' (飯 fàn, 'cooked rice')

The first pair appears to derive from distinct roots, while the second has undergone semantic shifts, resulting in two separate concepts in Vietnamese. Archaic forms of these words can be found in Old Chinese rhyme books and dialectal records. For example, 飯 (fàn, 'meal') is pronounced /buj/ in Hainanese, aside from 'bữa' as in 'bữaăn' ('meal'), which may correspond to the Vietnamese 'buổi' (a time period during the day). Today, these roots are primarily accessed through annotated Chinese texts and transcribed into Quốc ngữ, which limits their utility for historical linguistic analysis. As a result, Vietnamese 'half-baked' local Ph.D. scholars struggle to trace the phonological and semantic relationships among forms like 'buj', 'bữa', and 'buổi', all of which for a trained linguists they should not pose any issues.

While average Chinese readers may find classical 'wenyanwen' difficult to comprehend, they can readily understand vernacular-style (白話 baihua) novels from the Ming Dynasty onward. Vietnamese readers share this experience. Classical works such as 'Romance of the Three Kingdoms' (三國演義), 'Dream of the Red Chamber' (紅樓夢), and the martial arts novels of Jin Yong (金庸), a renown Hongkong Kongfu novelist, are often translated into Vietnamese with near word-for-word correspondence, demonstrating the deep linguistic and cultural resonance between the two traditions (see modern word-by-word matching and sing-along Vietnamese–Chinese Translation in Music: A Study of Lyric Adaptation.)

Historically, the vocabularies of each language have continued to evolve independently, even after Chinese loanwords were absorbed into Vietnamese. Over time, new developments in the donor language may have been reintroduced into Vietnamese, often in modified or locally adapted forms. These innovations reflect both phonological shifts and semantic reinterpretations,e.g., 'giỏi' vs. 'tài' 才 cái (talent), or 'lam' vs. 'chàm' for 藍 lán (indigo), etc. Such pairs illustrate how Vietnamese has not only borrowed but also reshaped Chinese lexical material, creating distinct expressions that reflect native usage and cultural context.

Historically, long after Vietnam gained independence following centuries of Chinese domination, Vietnamese scholars continued to devote significant attention to Confucian texts and actively participated in the development of late Sino-Vietnamese literature, much of which was composed in classical Chinese style. While not every local author remained aligned with the Confucian tradition, many still drew inspiration from its literary legacy. Notably, the influence of Nguyễn Du—widely regarded as Vietnam’s Shakespeare and one of its most revered scholar-poets—can be seen in the word choices and stylistic elements adopted by later writers. These linguistic features gradually expanded the semantic range of existing vocabulary and, under the influence of French grammatical models, contributed to the emergence of generative structures that reshaped Vietnamese syntax. This transformation marked a departure from the older, more circuitous style of expression in both speech and writing.

It is important to recognize that in ancient times, formal education in both China and Vietnam was accessible only to a small segment of the population, typically the affluent or exceptionally gifted. Only a few individuals rose to prominence as scholars, as evidenced by the limited body of surviving work. For the average educated person, such as village teachers or civil servants, their linguistic influence on the general population was substantial due to their social interactions and community roles. As a result, sound changes from Chinese to Sinitic-Vietnamese often appear irregular or inconsistent. This was partly due to the limited literacy and imperfect imitation by the broader populace, especially children of Chinese immigrants and native Vietnamese mothers (see King, 1969). These circumstances led to widespread mispronunciation and adaptation of Chinese loanwords in everyday communication. In short, individuals from both highly literate and minimally literate backgrounds played a formative role in shaping the Sinitic-Vietnamese lexicon throughout its development.

In more recent times, the influence of French on Vietnamese vocabulary offers a useful comparison. During the roughly one hundred years of French colonial rule, which ended in 1954, approximately 400 French terms entered the Vietnamese language, most of them rarely used (see Cao Xuân Hạo, 2001). These loanwords were gradually adapted to local speech through processes such as phonemic reshaping, syllabic restructuring, and tonal adjustment. The pronunciation of French terms often diverged significantly from their original forms, evolving to match the phonological habits of Vietnamese speakers — this adaptation differs from the Sino-Vietnamese and Sinitic-Vietnamese models, which involved more systematic phonetic shifts within a tonal framework. In later decades, a similar pattern of gradual integration occurred with English loanwords, although the pace of adoption has been notably slower.. (See Appendix A)

Phonemically, both French and English loanwords have entered Vietnamese through a process of syllabization that often appears irregular and fragmented. These patterns, shaped by synchronic adaptation, contrast sharply with the more systematic diachronic transformations observed in the evolution from Sinitic to Sinitic-Vietnamese vocabulary. While the latter follows historical phonological shifts over time, the former reflects immediate, speaker-driven adjustments to foreign sounds.

In the case of Sinitic-Vietnamese, specialists in Vietnamese phonology continue to grapple with irregular sound change phenomena, both from Chinese into Vietnamese and, occasionally, in reverse. order These include the simplification and vocalization of consonantal clusters. For example:

• 'blau' > 'trầu' > 檳榔 bīnláng (areca nut)
• 'tráicây' > 水果 shuǐguǒ (fruit)
• 'củtỏi' < 蒜頭 suàntóu (garlic bulb)
• 'contrâu' > 頭牛 tóuníu (a cow, in VS it means ' a buffalo')

French-Vietnamese interchanges underwent similar processes, often echoing the patterns of syllabization and vocalization found in Chinese-Vietnamese adaptations. These included the restructuring of complex initial clusters and the omission of certain phonemes. For instance:

• 'cờlê' from French 'clé' (key, or wrench) reflects syllabization of the initial consonant
• 'cômlê' from French 'complet' (suit) shows the dropping of the medial consonant

These changes resemble the omission of the aspirated [h-] in French 'trône' compared to English 'throne'. Such synchronic developments, though seemingly unpredictable, reveal underlying tendencies in how foreign words are naturalized into Vietnamese. By studying these patterns, historical linguists may derive useful models to apply retrospectively to older Sinitic-Vietnamese cases.

On a related note, if early proto-Vietic forms included consonantal clusters such as /bl-/, we might reconstruct examples like:

• 'blời' evolving into 'trời' (sun or sky)
• 'blăng' becoming 'trăng' (moon)

These hypothetical reconstructions suggest that native phonological processes—alongside foreign influence—have played a role in shaping Vietnamese vocabulary over time. (X)

In a manner comparable to Old Chinese during the Western Han period, Vietnamese also underwent syllabization of complex consonantal clusters. These clusters were not only simplified but also tonalized. It is likely that the postulated three to four tones were embedded in each loanword; without them, the words would have sounded flat and monotonous, similar to Chinese loanwords in Khmer, Japanese, or Korean. Consider the Vietnamese 'khủnglong' (dinosaur), derived from 恐龍 kǒnglóng, which may trace back to a Proto-Chinese form *klong, later reinterpreted as 'conrồng' (dragon) or 'thuồngluồng' (水龍 shuǐlóng, water snake). Another example is 'lúagạo' (rice), which may derive from Old Chinese *gləwʔ, the etymon behind 稻 (dào). This root gave rise to both 'lúa' (paddy) and 'gạo' (rice), possibly a fission from */gl-/ and */g(li)-/ respectively, rather than the archaic '來 lái', which was originally associated with 'millet'.

The generalization of this syllabizing process suggests the formation of dissyllabic Vietnamese lexicons with morphosyllable switched in reverse order, including basic vocabulary where each of it begins with a consonant. Examples include:

• 'cùichỏ' (手肘 shǒuzhǒu, 'elbow')
• 'bảvai' (肩膀 jiānbǎng, 'shoulder')
• 'đầugối' (膝頭 xītóu, 'knee')
• 'màngtang' (太陽穴 tàiyángxué, 'temples')

These forms in their core evolved from monosyllabic roots that were gradually disyllabized, independent of the same process of the borrowing language, each replacing complex clusters with simpler consonants and diphthongs. For instance:

• 'blời' > 'mặttrời' > 'trời' > 'giời' (sun)
• 'blăng' > 'mặttrăng' > 'trăng' > 'giăng' (moon)

The diphthongs and triphthongs in 'giời', 'giăng', and 'nguyệt' align with the [Consonant + Vowel] structure seen in Mandarin equivalents like 日 rì (sun) and 月 yuè (moon) of the same etymology. Their Middle Chinese forms correspond to the Sino-Vietnamese 'nhật' and 'nguyệt' while VS 'giời' and 'giăng' are widely recognized as closer to modern Mandarin than Middle Chinese.

Historically, as the Annamese state expanded southward into Hàtĩnh Province during the 11th century, it absorbed territory from the ancient Kingdom of Champa. This expansion brought about racial admixture and linguistic contact with Chamic-speaking populations. Bilabial glides such as /bl-/ and /pl-/ entered Annamese through this interaction, contributing to forms like:

• 'mặtgiời' > 'mặttrời' > /blời/ (sun)
• 'mặtgiăng' > 'mặttrăng' > /blăng/ (moon)

These forms, where /b-/ replaces 'mặt', are documented in Alexandre de Rhodes’s Dictionarium Annamiticum Lusitanum et Latinum (Rome, 1651). The influence of these indigenous phonological features persists today. For example, soft palatalization in northern Vietnamese dialects—often due to Chinese influence—results in hard consonants:

• 'chuyện' (傳 zhuàn) vs. 'truyện' (story)
• 'giời' (天 Tiān) vs. 'trời' (heaven)
• 'nớ' (那 nà, 'that') vs. 'đó' (there)
• 'môtê' (彼此 bǐ​cǐ, 'whereabout') vs. 'rirứa' (here and there), etc.

Regarding the development of dissyllabicity and tonality, ancient Vietic likely transformed its complex clusters into simpler forms while simultaneously acquiring tonal distinctions. As Haudricourt proposed, endings such as /-s/ or /-ʔ/ may have triggered tonal differentiation, but that is only the story of tonogenesis in general. Tonality in both Chinese and Annamese evolved in parallel, becoming increasingly sophisticated. This development is evident in the emergence of eight or nine tones in dialects like Cantonese, which preserved features of Middle Chinese, the court language of the Tang Dynasty.

During the Tang Dynasty, Japanese and Korean scholars made concerted efforts to incorporate Middle Chinese vocabulary into their respective languages. Despite the passage of many centuries, these borrowed terms remain toneless, as neither Japanese nor Korean possesses a tonal system akin to that of Chinese.

By contrast, Vietnamese maintained active and sustained contact with Chinese throughout its history. Given this deep linguistic interaction, it is implausible to suggest that Vietnamese only completed its tonal development as late as the 12th century. The emergence of tones in Vietnamese likely occurred much earlier, shaped by centuries of exposure to tonal Chinese dialects and reinforced through cultural and administrative exchanges during periods of Chinese rule.

In fact, contrary to Henri Maspero’s hypothesis that Vietnamese tonality emerged after the 12th century, evidence suggests that tones were already present well before that; otherwise, the sound changes must have gone a different path to compensate for the loss of tonality. It would be implausible for fundamental dissyllabic words to remain toneless, especially when compared to Japanese Kanji or Korean Hanja, which often lack tonal contrast. Japanese, for instance, adapted Chinese words through disyllabization and simplification:

• 'mit' > 'mitsu'
• 'tong' > 'toyo'
• 'king' > 'kyo'

A similar process of phonological transformation occurred within Chinese itself as it evolved into modern Mandarin. Scholars have referred to this phenomenon as "Tartarization"—a simplification of phonological features influenced by Altaic languages spoken by the Tartars, Mongols, Manchurians, and their Jurchen ancestors. Over the course of nearly a thousand years of northern rule, Mandarin underwent significant changes: final consonants such as -p, -t, -k, and -m were lost, and the tonal system was reduced from eight tones, as found in Middle Chinese, to the four tones of modern Mandarin.

This historical trajectory helps explain the linguistic and ethnic distinctions between northern and southern Chinese populations. In particular, Beijing’s demographic composition was shaped by centuries of Manchurian influence. Well into the early 1980s, much of the city’s population traced its ancestry to Manchurian settlers, while others were considered outsiders—underscored by the fact that obtaining residency in the capital was notoriously difficult, often compared to securing a U.S. green card.

Today, Mandarin as spoken in Beijing has become the national standard, and all Chinese citizens are required to learn it. This linguistic centralization, often described as a legacy of "Manchurianization," reflects both historical and political forces that have shaped language policy in modern China.

Vietnamese tonogenesis can be traced to Old Chinese origins for two principal reasons. First, many Vietnamese etyma appear in Sino-Tibetan etymological frameworks and are cognate with ancient Chinese words that exhibit tonal distinctions. Second, the tonal system in Vietnamese continued to evolve throughout the millennium of Chinese rule from the era of Ancient Chinese through Middle Chinese, eventually stabilizing into a system of six tones in regional dialects such as Hàtĩnh, Quảngbình, Quảngtrị, and Huế. By the 10th century. not the 12th century, so to speak, Vietnamese had likely completed its tonal development, forming eight tones across two registers, heavily influenced by Middle Chinese as preserved in Cantonese, which itself descends from Tang-era court speech. 

An early form of colloquial Cantonese, known as 白話 Baihua, was spoken in present-day Guangxi Province and among the Kinh ethnic minority in southern China. It is highly plausible that General Ngô Quyền, who later became King of ĐạiViệt, used this dialect to communicate with his subordinates and subjects in the Annam Prefecture. At that time, the people of Annam may have spoken a form of Annamese already embedded with the eight tonal equivalents of Middle Chinese. These tonal features have remained integral to Vietnamese for over a millennium, and preserved in what older Cantonese speakers refer to as "Tang Spracht" (唐話 /Tong4waa6-2/) as well  — compared to Mandarin and Vietnamese today.

It is also evident that many Sinitic-Vietnamese etyma, especially those with roots in Old Chinese, predate their more formal Sino-Vietnamese counterparts. Both sets of vocabulary remain actively used across all domains of life, often carrying similar semantic weight. Some dissyllabic forms appear to have been coined by native Vietnamese speakers prior to the influx of Middle Chinese loanwords. For example:

• 'yênbình', 'bìnhyên', and 'bằngan' all convey the meaning of 'peace', corresponding to 平安 (píng'ān, SV 'bìnhan')

• The historical name Annam (安南 Ānnán), derived from the Tang Dynasty's designation "安南 都府" (Annam Protectorate), was used until 1945. Notably, the term 'yênnam' never exist or ever emerge, whereas 'Núi Yêntử' corresponds to 安子山 Ānzǐshān (Mount Yentu), NOT 'Núi Antử'

This distinction suggests that 'yên' /jen/ (from Old Chinese */qa:n/) represents an older form than 'an' /ʔɑn/ (from Tang-era /ʔɒn/), highlighting the layered history of tonal and phonological development in Vietnamese.

Let us now examine further examples of Sinitic-Vietnamese words derived from Old or Middle Chinese forms that later evolved into what are considered native Vietnamese expressions—or 'Nôm' words—through processes of localization and semantic adaptation.

• lúa, gạo (SV đạo) 'paddy' and 'rice' [ M 稻 dào < MC daw < OC *l'uːʔ || Note: Meanwhile, based on Schuessler's reconstruction, M 稻 dào < MC dâu < OC *gləwʔ, *mləwʔ, we could postulate from the consonantal cluster of */gl-/ to posit both Sinitic-Vietnamese forms 'lúa' and 'gạo' then; hence, 'lúagạo' (rice) ],
• buồng, phòng (SV phòng) 'room, chamber' [ M  房 fáng, páng (phòng, bàng) < MC buaŋ < OC *baŋ, *baːŋ | ex. '房 fáng + 心 xīn' > VS 'buồngtim' (heart chamber) vs. 心室 xīnshī = SV 'tâmthất' (heart ventricle) ],
• bữa, buổi, ban 'meal, (meal) time' [ Hence, 'period of the day' | M 飯 fàn < MC bwan, bʷiɐn < OC *bonʔ, *bons | cf. 'ănmày' (要飯 yàofàn, 'panhandler') vs. 'bớicơm' (scoop rice into a bowl). According to Starostin: eat; meal; give to eat (LZ). Also read *banʔ-s, MC bw@\n, Pek. fa\n 'cooked rice or millet'. For *b- cf. Xiamen pŋ6, Chaozhou pu6, Fuzhou puo6, Jianou puiŋ6. || Note: for /bwoj3/, cf. buồm (SV phàm) 'sail mast' | M  帆 fān, fán, fàn < MC buam < OC *bom, *boms. (See more enumeration in this section as elaborated below.) ],
• bè, phà (SV phà) ‘raft, ferry’ [ M 筏 fá < MC buat, < OC *bhat, *bad || Note: with the connotation of 'raft' "bè" is something small such as 'bamboo raft', but for "phà", it means a 'big vessel' of variable sizes to make ferries for passengers to cross a larger body of water. ],
• chè, trà, +tế (SV trà) 'tea, sauce' [ M 茶 (荼 tú, 苶 nié) chá < MC ɖaɨ < OC *rlaː | Ex. Tchewchow dialect: 'satế' 沙茶 shāchá ~ Malay 'saté'. Interestingly, 'sa' here is 'sả' (lemongrass) which in turn rolled one more time into Chinese as '香茅' xiāngmáo. As with the term 'chè' (sweet soup) for 茶 chá, it is cognate to 粥 zhōu, also, 'cháo' (porridge) in Sinitic Vietnamese. ],
• bua, vua, vương (SV vương) 'king, lord' [ M 王 wáng, wàng, yù < MC ɦuaŋ < OC *ɢʷaŋ, *ɢʷaŋs | Dialects: Shanghai uã2, Taiyuan (Thn): vãi ],
• thầy, sãi, sư, +thuỷ (SV sư) 'teacher, abbot, sorcerer' [ M 師 shī < MC ʂji < OC *sri  | Ex. 巫師 wūshī ~ VS 'phùthuỷ' (shaman), 師徒 shītú ~ VS 'thầytrò' (teacher and student) ],
• bụt, Phật, vãi (SV Phật) 佛 'Buddha, monk' [ M 佛 Fó, fú, bó, bì (Phật, bột, phất, bất) < MC but, phut < *OC *bɯd ],
• ông, +trống, +cồ, công (SV công) 'mister, baron, public, male animal' [ M QT 公 gōng < MC kəwŋ < OC *klo:ŋ | Ex. 公雞 jīgōng ~ VS 'gàcồ' ~ 'gàtrống' (rooster), 外公 wàigōng ~ VS 'ôngngoại' (maternal grandfather) ],
• +bụa, vợ, phụ+ (SV phụ) 'wife, lady' [ M 婦 fù < MC buw < OC *bɯʔ | Ex. 'goábụa' 寡婦 guăfù (also: VS 'ởvậy') ~ SV 'quảphụ' (widow) ],
• cha, tía (SV đa) 'father, daddy' [ M 爹 diē, duò (ta, đa, đà) < MC da, ʈia < OC *daːʔ, *tja:  || Note: for VS 'cha', cf. M 多 duō (SV đa) < MC ta < OC *tāj ],
• bố, phụ+ (SV phụ) 'father' [ M 父 fù, fǔ (phụ, phủ) < MC pio < OC *paʔ, *baʔ  | Ex. 'bốruột' 父親 fùqīn ~ SV 'phụthân' (father) ],
• mạ, mệ, mẹ, mợ, mẫu+, +mái, cái (SV mẫu) 'mother', female of animal' [ M 母 mǔ, mú, wǔ, wú (mẫu, mô) < MC məw < OC *mɯʔ | Cant. /mou4/, Hai. /mai2/ (~ mái) | See © nạ ~ 妳 nǐ (SV nhĩ) > 娘 niáng (nương) | cf. Amoy bo3, Chaozhou bo3 | ex. 'mẹruột' 母親 mǔqīn ~ SV 'mẫuthân' (mother), 母雞 mǔjī ~ VS gàmái (hen), 舅母 jìumǔ ~ 'cậumợ' ~> 'mợ' (VS 'uncle's wife', Northern Vietnamese dialect: 'mother') ],
• nạ, nàng, nường, nương+ (SV nương) 'lady' [ M 娘 niáng (Beijing and northern dialects: 'mom', cf. ancient Vietnamese 'nạ' means "mother") < MC naŋ < OC* nraŋ | Pk: nuəŋ12, Zyyy: niaŋ12, Amoy nĩu12, Chaozhou niẽ12, Shanghai niã32 | see © nạ 妳 nǐ (nhĩ) > Beijing 娘兒 niár | Ex. 'cônàng' 姑娘 gūniáng ~ SV 'cônương' (girl) ],
• lời, từ (SV từ) 'spoken word, lexicon' [ M 辭 (詞) cí < MC zjɤ < OC *lhjə ],
• lẽ, lý, lo (SV lý) 'reason, manage' [ Also, VS 'thớ' ~ 'sớ' ((wood) grain, (jade) vein) | M 理 lǐ < MC lɨ < OC *rɯʔ || Ex. 理想 líxiăng: VS 'lẽsống' (ideal; hence, 'raison d'être'), 理事 lǐshì: SV lýsự, VS  lochuyện (management, manage) ],
• việc, róc+, cuộc+, hoạt+ (SV hoạt) 'work' [ M 活 huó, guō (hoạt, quạt) < MC kwat < OC *ko:d, *go:d  | Ex. 生活 shēnghuó: VS 'cuộcsống' (life), 活動 huódòng: SV hoạtđộng (activities). 幹活 gànhuó ~ VS 'làmviệc' (work), 活活 huóhuó: VS 'rócrách' (sound of running water) ],
• đánh, đả+ (SV đả) 'strike, fight' [ Also, neologism 'tá' <~ Eng. 'dozen') | M 打 dă, dá, děng < MC tiɛŋ, taiŋ < OC *ta, *te:ŋ, *tre:ŋʔ || Ex. 打傷 dăshāng: SV đảthương (inflict injury), 歐打 òudă: SV ấuđả (fight), 打仗 dăzhàng: VS 'đánhtrận' | cf. 打油 dǎyóu: 'thoadầu' (rub with oinment), 'đongdầu' (scoop oil into a container) ],
• rương, hòm+, +sương (SV sương) 'suitcase' [ M 箱 xiāng (tương, sương) < MC sɨəŋ < OC *slaŋ| ¶ /s-, x- ~ r-/: ex. 鬚 xū (tu, 'beard'): 'râu', 信箱 xìnxiāng (VS 'hòmthư', mailbox), 'phướcsương' 福箱 fúxiāng (donation box in temples) ],
• tìm, kiếm, +tầm (SV tầm) 'look for' [ M 尋 xún, xín, jué < MC tsjim < OC *ljum | ex. 尋找 xúnzhăo:  VS 'tìmkiếm' (search), 搜尋 sōuxún: SV 'sưutầm' (collect), 尋師學道 xúnshīxuédào: SV 'tầmsưhọcđạo' ~ VS 'tìmthầyhọcđạo' (headhunting for a teacher) ],
• đo, dò, +đạc, độ (SV độ) 'measure, degree, season' [ ex. VS 'đođạc' @& 度 dù 'đo' + 度 dù 'đạc' | M 度 dù, dò, duó, duò < MC dak < OC *daːɡ, *daːɡs  ],

and so on so forth.

(Note: Those words marked with + are usually more often seen in dissyllabic formation as word stems. See accompanied illustrations inside square brackets.)

Several of the etyma mentioned above merit further elaboration (see Figure 1), though a full discussion would exceed the scope of this section. In many instances, readers are encouraged to accept certain etyma at face value, such as 飯 fàn, rendered in Sino-Vietnamese as 'phạn', and in vernacular Vietnamese as 'bữa' (meal). The term 'bữa' has extended beyond its original meaning to encompass broader temporal concepts—morning, noon, evening—effectively serving as a semantic umbrella for expressions like 'ban-' or 'buổi-', both denoting segments of the day.

It is worth noting that in both Chinese and Vietnamese cultural contexts, the concept of a meal has long held social significance. Even today, rather than greeting someone with phrases like "Good morning" or "Good afternoon", it is common to ask "Have you eaten yet?", "Have you had lunch?", or "Have you had dinner?"—a practice that reflects the centrality of food in daily life and interpersonal interaction.

To illustrate the semantic expansion of 'bữa', we may posit the vernacular prefix 'ban-' as a marker of time during the day, as seen in expressions such as:

• 'banmai' (early morning)
• 'bantrưa' (midday)
• 'banchiều' (late afternoon)
• 'banđêm' (nighttime)

These examples show how a lexical item originally tied to sustenance evolved into a broader temporal classifier, demonstrating the dynamic interplay between cultural practice and linguistic development.

• bantrưa (noon time) [ Also, 'bữatrưa', 'buổitrưa'; SV bạchtrú | M 白晝 báizhòu (daytime) / 白 bái ~ 'ban' @ 飯 fàn SV 'phạn'; hence, 'ban' ~> 'bữa' ~> 'buổi' | ¶ /-an ~ -a, -wôi/, Ex. 蒜 suàn (SV toán) VS 'tỏi' (garlic), cf. Hainanese /bwoj1/ | M 白 bái, bó, bà, băi, zì < MC baɨjk < OC *bra:g || M 晝 zhòu (trú, trứu) < MC ʈuw < OC *tus | Pulleyblank: LMC triw < EMC: *trow ],
• banngày (daytime) [ SV bạchnhật | M 白日 báirì | M 日 rì, mì < MC ȵit < OC *njiɡ ]

In Vietnamese "ban-", a morphosyllable used as prefix and a semantic marker to indicate a period during the day, as in "banngày" or "banđêm" (night time), might have been derived from, interestingly enough:

• ban: 飯 fàn [ SV phạn, VS 'ban', 'bữa' | M 飯 fàn < MC bwan, bʷiɐn < OC *bonʔ, *bons | Dialect: Hai. /bwəj1/, cf. VS 'buổi' | Guangyun: 飯 fàn (1) Guangyun: (1) 飯 飯 扶晚 並 元合 阮 上聲 三等 合口 元 臻 上二十阮 bʱi̯wɐn bĭwɐn biuɐn biuɐn bʉɐn bʷiɐn buan fan4 byanx bvaan 餐飯禮云三飯是扶晩切又扶万切四 , (2) 飯 飯 符万 並 元合 願 去聲 三等 合口 元 臻 去二十五願 bʱi̯wɐn bĭwɐn biuɐn biuɐn bʉɐn bʷiɐn buan fan4 byanh bvann 周書云黃帝始炊榖爲飯符方切六 | Dialects: Cant. faan6, Hak fan5, Hai. /bwəj2/, Tchiewchow /beng2/ | According to Starostin: eat; meal; give to eat (LZ). Also read *banʔ-s, MC bw@\n, Pek. fa\n 'cooked rice or millet'. For *b- cf. Xiamen pŋ6, Chaozhou pu6, Fuzhou puo6, Jianou puiŋ6. | Note: 'meal' for 'bữa' ~> 'ban', cf. 'bữacóbữakhông', 'ăn bữatrưa lo bữatối', Vietnamese idioms, literally meaning 'make do with or without meals' and 'having something to eat for lunch but worrying about food for the dinner', respectively ]

and then the concept is further extended and associated with 'banngày' for what it happens to be '白 bái' in Chinese as in 白日 báirì [ Ex. 白日 báirì \ 白 bái ~ 'ban' @ 飯 fàn, cf. 白天 báitiān ~ VS 'buổisáng'. See "banmai" 平明 píngmíng SV 'bìnhminh' (dawn) ].

Similarly, the same notion of "ban-" is further spilled out to permeate to other disyllabic words, such as

• 晚間 wănjiān (night time) for "banđêm" [ hence, 'banhôm' (evening). See "bantối" 半夜 bànyè (midnight) | M 晚間 wănjiān \ 晚 wăn ~ 'ban-' 飯 fàn \ /w- ~ b-/; \ 間 jiān ~ '+đêm' @ 宵 xiāo \ ¶ /j- ~ đ-/ ]

In effect, the Vietnamese term "ban" does not derive from 白 bái (white) or 晚 wǎn (evening), and "đêm" is unlikely to originate from 間 jiān (interval), but more plausibly from 宵 xiāo (SV 'tiêu', meaning 'night' or 'evening'). These are examples of lexical association and phonological assimilation. The morpheme /ban-/ may have emerged through a process in which the general populace, particularly the largely illiterate majority, picked up a sound associated with the concept of time, initially linked to "daytime" and "nighttime" — this is exactly what happened to the conceptual word VS 'không' ('no', 'not', 'none'). Over time, this form was adapted, generalized, and extended to other segments of the day. Through such organic spread and semantic expansion, the morphemic prefix /ban-/ came to denote various periods within the daily cycle. For example,

• "banmai" 平明 píngmíng (dawn) [ SV 'bìnhminh' ~ also, VS 'bansáng' ~ 'buổisáng' / 平 píng ~ 'bằng', 明 míng ~ 'sáng' | cf. 明日 míngrì: 'SV ngàymai' (tomorrow) ],
• "bantrưa" 白晝 báizhòu (day time) [ also, VS 'buổitrưa' (noontime) ],
• "banchiều" 傍晚 bángwăn (dusk) [ also, VS 'buổichiều' and 'chạngvạng' (dusk) ],
• "bantối" 半夜 bànyè (midnight) [ also, 'buổitối', 'banhôm'. See 晚間 wănjiān (night time) for "banđêm". ],

even


• "bannãy" 方才 fāngcái (just) [ also, VS 'mớivừa' (recently) ],

In other words, they all have been a product of association with "ban", "bữa" or "buổi" (cf. 'bữasáng' ('buổisáng'), 'bữatrưa' ('buổitrưa), 'bữachiều' ('buổichiều'), 'bữatối' ('buổitối'), where "bữa-" comes with an implication of meals depending on the context. The same rationalization can be equally applied to

• "banngàybanmặt" (in broad daylight) and "banđêmbanhôm" (in the depth of the night), which are the sound change variants of 青天白日 qīngtiānbáirì (SV 'thanhthiênbạchnhật') and 三更半夜 sāngēngbànyè (VS literally, 'nửađêmcanhba'), respectively.

As we can see by now, the new morphemic prefix 'ban-', unlike its variant 'buổi', or "bữa" (a meal in the day), in all illustrated examples above is elevated to appear only in several dissyllabic formations to denote a certain period of the day. Note something distinctive between 白日 báirì for 'banngày' while 白天 báitiān is postulated for 'buổisáng".

In these specific examples, it is interesting to note that there had existed first the Yue elements and then came the Sinitic, i.e., VS 'buổi' vs. "bữa" ~ 飯 M "fàn" vs. VS "ban", as attested by a MinNan subdialect, Hainanese. MinNan is a Fukienese (Amoy 廈門 Xiàmén) dialect in which the Ancient Chinese vocabulary stock supposedly to enter MinYue (閩越) State during the Han Dynasty. Again, the Han racial stock was composed partly of subjects of the Chu State, descents of Taic speakers that gave rise to the hundreds of Yue tribes. If someone wants to rebut my postulation of "ban-" here but they would better offer some other etyma to fit in then. Do not just destroy but not reconstruct.

The case of "ban": "bữa" < "buổi" < Minnan 飯: Hainanese "buj2" > Mandarin "fàn" > VS "ban"

      The term "ban" likely emerged later than "buổi" and "bữa" as a lexical innovation to express segmental divisions of time. It came to be used in combination with temporal adverbs to form expressions denoting specific periods of the day. The emergence of "ban-" may be understood in relation to older monosyllabic forms such as "ngày" (day) and "đêm" (night), regardless of whether these derive from Austroasiatic Mon-Khmer roots or from Chinese equivalents—rì 日 (SV 'nhật') for 'day' and xiāo 宵 (SV 'tiêu', VS 'tối') for 'night'. The etymology of "ngày" and "đêm" remains a separate issue to be addressed elsewhere.

    This trajectory of development, particularly the localization of "ban-" in relation to the etymon 飯 fàn, which corresponds to VS 'buổi' (/bwoj3/, Hainanese /bwəj2/) and ultimately to VS 'bữa', reflects a process of semantic elevation. The original meaning—centered on the concept of a meal—was abstracted and generalized to encompass broader temporal categories.

    In later stages of lexical evolution, phonological restructuring led to the disyllabization of homonymous monosyllabic words, a process that gained momentum during the Tang Dynasty. This phenomenon involved active disyllabization and semantic synchronization, often resulting in metathesis or syntactic reversal in Sinitic-Vietnamese compounds. 

For example:

• 擔保 dànbǎo → SV 'đảmbảo' vs. VS 'bảođảm' (guarantee)
• 鬥爭 dòuzhēng → SV 'đấutranh' vs. VS 'tranhđấu' (struggle)

• .

    These patterns will be examined in greater detail later in this paper.

    Despite the challenges in pinpointing the precise origins of terms like "ban", the sound changes within the Sinitic-Vietnamese domain—especially those affecting core vocabulary—are notable for their diversity and irregularity. These changes occurred synchronically, as evidenced by matched Hainanese variants, and are not always traceable to the diachronic pathways of formal Sino-Vietnamese derivation.

    On the surface, Chinese and Vietnamese cognates may appear similar in their modern Romanized forms, namely, Chinese pinyin and Vietnamese Quốc ngữ, often sounding acoustically close. However, each may have evolved independently from distinct dialectal sources across different regions and historical periods. These lexical doublets, though varied in form, share common genetic roots and reflect the deep historical and linguistic affiliation between the two languages.

II) The Role of Mandarin

Modern Mandarin (Putonghua) is used throughout this study as a phonetic reference point, with pinyin transcription adopted for clarity and accessibility. While Mandarin may not be ideal for reconstructing ancient sound systems, it remains a practical tool for illustrating phonological correspondences between Chinese and Vietnamese. These correspondences, though shaped by centuries of divergence, still reveal traceable sound change patterns that can be mapped into linguistic rules. This is particularly relevant given Mandarin’s historical role as a lingua franca among scholars and officials, who favored classical Chinese vocabulary and literary style.

In spoken Vietnamese, numerous expressions bear resemblance to Mandarin across literary and scholarly registers. This suggests that Mandarin, having once served as a prestige dialect, left a lasting imprint on Vietnamese lexical strata. The use of pinyin here is therefore justified not only by its familiarity to learners of Chinese, but also by its utility in phonetic comparison.

Mandarin, a northern Chinese dialect, began to take on its recognizable modern form after the Northern Song Dynasty in the 11th century. This development is documented in the 12th-century phonological text Menggu Yinyun (蒙古 音韻, Mongolian Rhyming Book). In historical phonology, Mandarin is considered a direct descendant of Middle Chinese, which itself evolved from Old Chinese. Over centuries of contact with Altaic-speaking peoples — including the Tartars (Liao DYnasty), Jurchens (Kim), Mongols (Yuan Dynasty), and Manchurians (Qing Dynasty) — Mandarin underwent significant phonological shifts. These included the loss of final stops (-p, -t, -k, -m) and a reduction in tonal inventory from eight tones to four, along with simplification of syllabic finals (yùn 韻, or vần in Vietnamese).

The linguistic influence of these non-Han groups is well documented. For nearly a millennium, nomadic rulers governed vast northern territories in China—a duration comparable to China’s rule over Vietnam until the early 10th century. The Mongol conquest in the late 13th century led to the establishment of the Yuan Dynasty (1271–1368), followed by the Ming and later the Qing Dynasty that was founded by the Manchurians in the 17th century. Throughout these dynastic transitions, Mandarin, known as 官話 (Guanhua, SV 'Quanthoại'), VS 'Quanhoả'), remained the official language of the imperial court and scholarly circles. It represented a blend of northern spoken dialects and classical Chinese (文言文), gradually diverging from Middle Chinese and developing into a distinct linguistic form, separate from southern dialects such as Cantonese and the Sino-Vietnamese register.

For practical purposes, this study employs Mandarin not only because it is the most widely taught and recognized form of Chinese today, but also due to its standardized Romanization system (pinyin), which facilitates clear and consistent phonetic comparison. Although Mandarin has diverged considerably from ancient Chinese phonology, its northeastern subdialect and Beijing vernacular still preserve subtle phonological features that align with certain Sinitic-Vietnamese expressions. This observation stands in stark contrast to the commonly held belief that Vietnamese shares greater linguistic affinity with Cantonese than with other Sinitic varieties. The northern Mandarin forms, as reflected in Vietnamese speech, point to a deeper historical continuity—one that southern Chinese dialects may not capture as directly, for example,

• 'chào' 早 zǎo 'hello',
• 'mai' 明兒 mínr 'tomorrow',
• 'đừnghòng' 甭想 péngxiăng 'don't ever think of',
• 'đừng' 甭 péng 'do not',
• 'đuợc' 得 dé 'okay',
• 'đúng' 中 zhòng 'right',
• 'xong' 成 chéng 'done, fine',
• 'vâng' 行 xíng 'yes',
• 'luônluôn' 老老 láoláo 'always;',
• 'xịn' 新 xīn 'brand new',
• 'kẹo' 摳 kòu 'stingy',
• 'ngầu' 牛 níu 'tough',
• 'tía' 爹 diè 'dad',
• 'nạ' 娘 niáng 'mom',
• 'tếu' 逗 dòu 'funny',
• 'bôngđùa' # 逗玩 dòuwán 'joking',
• 'khốnnạn' @ '混蛋 húndàn 'son of a bitch',
• 'ôngnhà' 家公 jiāgōng 'husband',
• 'bàxã' # 媳婦 xífù 'wife, honey (husband to call his wife)',
• 'điđám' 隨錢 suíqián 'monetary gift',
• 'trướcTết' 前節 qiánjié 'before the Lunar New Year',
• 'ănTết' 過節 guòjié 'celebrate Lunar New Year',
• 'sauTết' 後節 guòjié 'after Lunar New Year',
• 'ănmày' 要飯 yàofàn 'beggar', 
• 'đụmá'  她媽  tāmā 'damn it', etc.

The undeniable affiliation between Chinese and Vietnamese etyma strongly suggests that many Sinitic-Vietnamese words are closely tied to northern vernacular Mandarin. This connection, particularly in colloquial usage, appears to surpass the influence of Cantonese, Fukienese, or other Chinese dialects that later absorbed Mandarin expressions, often after filtering out their own indigenous linguistic substrata. (See Cantonese examples below.)

Nonetheless, it is Middle Chinese that directly shaped the systematic transformation of sounds into the Sino-Vietnamese lexicon. These words form an essential and enduring component of Vietnamese vocabulary, coexisting and blending seamlessly with other Sinitic-Vietnamese expressions. While Sino-Vietnamese shares phonological similarities with Cantonese-derived etyma, this is largely due to their shared lineage within the Chinese mainstream. Cantonese, long considered a southern Chinese dialect, has been historically intertwined with Vietnamese since at least 111 B.C., when the region was part of the Yue cultural sphere. Known as 粵語 (Cant. /jyut8/), Cantonese preserves a nine-tone system and is often referred to as 唐話 (Tang speech, Cant. /tong4waa6-2/) because it retains tonal registers and syllabic structures that align more closely with Tang-era phonology than Mandarin does.

Despite its classification within the Sino-Tibetan family, Cantonese is built upon a Yue substratum, evident in its basic vocabulary and native expressions. For example:

• 'Nej6 hoj5 pin5dou2?' (Where are you going?)

• 'Hyej6 fajng1 dzwo3 kao1.' (He's already slept.)

These expressions deviate sharply from Mandarin equivalents, which lack direct counterparts for terms like 'pin5dou2', for instance. In contrast, Vietnamese equivalents align more closely with Mandarin syntax and semantics:

• "你 去 那兒?" Nǐ qù nǎr? → 'Mầy đi đâu vậy?'

• "他 睡覺 了." Tā shuìjiào le. → 'Nó đingủ rồi.'

Here, Vietnamese 'đi' corresponds to 去 qù, and 'đingủ' mirrors 睡覺 shuìjiào. Notably, 'ngủ' is etymologically linked to 臥 (wò, SV 'ngoạ'), suggesting a layered semantic structure: 睡 shuì = 'đi', 覺 jiào = 'ngủ', forming the Vietnamese phrase 'go to sleep'. These associations reflect a disyllabic approach to etymology, which will be explored further in subsequent sections.

Cantonese, Vietnamese, and other southern Chinese dialects, such as Wu and MinNan (represented by Shanghainese and the Amoy subdialect 廈門方言 Xiàmén, respectively), all preserve remnants of Ancient Chinese, the language of the Han Dynasty. These dialects were built atop aboriginal linguistic layers, similar to Sinitic-Vietnamese. In Hainanese, a MinNan subdialect, the same two sentences are rendered differently:

• 'Nong2 k'u5de8?' (Where are you going?)

• 'Yi1 kwaj7mat6.' (He's already slept.)

These southern varieties retain rich syllabic finals and tonal features that have long vanished from modern Mandarin, which evolved from 官話 (Guānhuà) and is now standardized as 普通話 (Putonghua).

While Sinitic-Vietnamese and Fukienese etyma preserve more Han-era linguistic features, Sino-Vietnamese and Cantonese lexicons reflect Middle Chinese influences from the Tang Dynasty. Vietnamese syntax also reveals unique traits, such as reversed syllabic order in disyllabic compounds:

• 'bàxã' ← #媳婦 xífù

• 'ôngxã' ← #家公 jiāgōng

This study, while not adopting all the methodological refinements of the Austroasiatic camp, aims to foreground the Sinitic-Vietnamese framework as a conceptual alternative to Mon-Khmer theories. It highlights deep-rooted commonalities between Vietnamese and Chinese that have been underrecognized by Austroasiatic specialists, who often overlook the need to reconcile their postulations with Sino-Tibetan findings. Although these scholars may acknowledge new data, the sheer volume of Chinese-derived vocabulary in Vietnamese challenges the notion of a purely Austroasiatic origin.

Historically, this perception is grounded in Vietnam’s long-standing status as a Chinese colony from 111 B.C. to 939 A.D. As the last surviving Yue-descended state from the unified kingdom of NamViệt, Vietnam inherited a linguistic landscape shaped by centuries of Chinese rule, witnessing Chinese elements layered atop the Yue substratum, forming a hybrid linguistic base. 

To distinguish Chinese loanwords from native Vietnamese, linguists must carefully filter and identify Yue remnants embedded within Chinese-derived vocabulary. Examples include:

• 'sông' ← 江 jiāng (river)
• 'đường' ← 糖 táng (sugar)

These terms reflect regional distinctions: southern Yue used 江 jiāng, while northern Chinese preferred 河 hé. Such contrasts underscore the need to view Vietnamese and Chinese as affiliated languages. In some cases, Yue elements appear to have influenced Chinese itself, just as Austroasiatic Mon-Khmer features infiltrated Vietnamese. 

Vietnamese is a historical product, and its study demands a historical approach. Linguistic analysis should go beyond listing basic vocabulary and drawing rules in isolation. Scholars, especially those in Vietnam, should embrace this perspective, even if trained in Austroasiatic frameworks. By doing so, they can better manage the Chinese cultural lexicon, including intimate address terms that have been fully localized:

• 爹 diè → tía
• 娘 niáng → nạ
• 父 fù → bố
• 母 mǔ → mẹ, mợ
• 姊 zǐ → chị
• 妹 mēi → em
• 公 gōng → ông
• 婆 pó → bà
• 佛 Fó → Bụt

Vietnamese should not be treated as a linguistic isolate but as a historical construct. To illustrate, imagine analyzing two hypothetical Amazonian languages—A and B—without historical context, as Austroasiatic theorists have done with Mon-Khmer and Vietnamese. This approach risks misrepresenting the language’s evolution. Vietnamese linguists need not reject Austroasiatic insights, but they must situate them within a historical framework and distinguish non-Chinese etyma from Chinese-affiliated ones.

Ultimately, Sinitic-Vietnamese linguists should integrate both approaches—historical and comparative—to enrich their analysis. For example, Ferlus (2012) concluded that a trade route once linked Annam to India, based on sound change patterns in Vietnamese cognates found across Southeast Asia. His findings reflect the linguistic vestiges of ancient contact, which this study seeks to further illuminate.

One of the most formidable challenges in conducting research on Vietnamese linguistics is the pervasive entanglement of nationalism and political ideology within the local intellectual sphere, and its counterpart in China as well. This ideological influence is deeply embedded in academic discourse, often to a degree that compromises scholarly neutrality. Readers navigating such texts for research purposes frequently encounter overtly politicized language, with recurring slogans and ideological affirmations, such as “under the leadership of Uncle Ho Chi Minh and the glorious banner of the Communist Party, following Marxist-Leninist principles”, appearing with such frequency that it distracts from the academic content itself. This rhetorical saturation, common across many publications, reflects a broader pattern of ideological framing that can obscure objective linguistic analysis. (H)

Vietnamese nationalism has exerted a profound and often distracting influence on scholarly discourse, to the extent that it has compromised academic objectivity. In aligning with the Austroasiatic Mon-Khmer framework, sometimes at the expense of broader linguistic inquiry, many Vietnamese scholars have adopted a politically partisan stance, whether by personal conviction or in response to institutional directives. This ideological posture has placed Chinese linguistic influence under scrutiny, often without balanced evaluation.

To foster a more truthful and comprehensive understanding of Chinese and, by extension, Sino-Tibetan linguistic relationships, a shift in perspective is required. Scholars must be willing to recalibrate their intellectual stance and disengage from the constraints of politicized narratives. Such a process of intellectual recuperation, stepping back from entrenched nationalistic frameworks, is essential for advancing objective research. This theme will be further explored in a subsequent chapter. (S)

Metaphorically speaking, the field of Vietnamese etymology resembles an orphanage populated by lexical “orphans” whose true identities remain obscured. These words, adopted into various linguistic frameworks, have long been denied access to their origins. Only when the metaphorical equivalent of the U.S. "Baby Lift Operation" which took place in late April 1975 was set in motion, did some begin to follow their intellectual benefactors toward new horizons. Just as many of those children, raised in the United States, later returned in search of their birth mothers, scholars equipped with broader perspectives and a spirit of inquiry have begun to trace Vietnamese linguistic roots with renewed clarity, often guided by a mindset more open and less constrained than what prevails within Vietnam.

This raises a critical question: Do domestic scholars prefer to maintain Vietnamese as an independent linguistic entity, distinct from Sinitic influence, in order to align with prevailing nationalist sentiment and anti-Chinese attitudes? If so, the Austroasiatic Mon-Khmer framework offers a convenient ideological refuge, allowing for the selective exclusion of Sinitic elements and the portrayal of Vietnamese as a language built atop Mon-Khmer foundations, with Yue and Chinese layers relegated to buried substrata.

Local scholarship has long exhibited a fascination with Western hypotheses, such as Haudricourt’s theory of Vietnamese tonogenesis post-12th century, or speculative claims regarding cultural artifacts unearthed in the southernmost annexed territories. Yet what distinguishes the Sinitic-Vietnamese paradigm is its historical grounding, a “post-historical” approach that contrasts sharply with the “prehistoric” orientation of Mon-Khmer theorization. The latter often relies on hypothetical reconstructions and etymonic fragments, akin to interpreting ruins without context. This is comparable to the religiously inflected linguistic affiliations seen in Daic, Lao, or Thai languages, which lean on canonical Pali or Sanskrit. Vietnamese and Old Chinese, by contrast, are supported by documented history, lending credibility to claims of deep-rooted linguistic convergence.

For the Austroasiatic Mon-Khmer hypothesis to hold meaningful weight, it must be anchored in historical evidence, specifically, the migration and fusion of the ancient Yue people from southern China to the region south of Vietnam’s 16th parallel. These Yue groups, merging with local populations before spreading into the broader Indochinese peninsula, laid the foundation for linguistic development. In this view, Mon-Khmer speakers, though possibly descended from Yue, were not indigenous to northern Vietnam in prehistoric times (see Nguyễn Ngọc San, 1993).

Etymologically, numerous Chinese loanwords remain hidden in plain sight, embedded within basic vocabulary and often misclassified under Austroasiatic Mon-Khmer roots. Uncovering these layers not only strengthens the case for a Sinitic-Vietnamese core but also reveals the extent of Chinese influence across idioms, proverbs, and everyday expressions. Through a refined methodology, particularly one that examines disyllabic patterns, researchers can identify matches between Vietnamese and Chinese that are absent from Mon-Khmer linguistic forms.

In the following sections, the author will present newly identified Sinitic-Vietnamese etyma, drawing from a broader range of Sino-Tibetan sources. These findings, supported by novel analytical approaches distinct from conventional Western methodologies, aim to address classification challenges and expand the scope of Vietnamese linguistic inquiry. For readers newly introduced to Sinitic-Vietnamese vocabulary, this paper seeks to spark renewed interest in the Sino-Tibetan dimensions of Vietnamese, especially those rooted in the Yue substratum, which intersects with both Austroasiatic and Sinitic layers of the language.

What follows will lay the foundation for a Sinitic-Vietnamese paradigm, one that aspires to establish a dedicated field of study. Subsequent chapters will elaborate on the condensed arguments presented thus far, offering deeper exploration into the historical and linguistic commonalities between Vietnamese and Chinese.

Figure 1. Some inclusive examples on Sinitic-Vietnamese lexicons

Note: M = Mandarin; Vh @ = Vietnamize; MC = Middle Chinese; OC = Old Chinese; 
# = in reverse order; SV (in parentheses) = Sino-Vietnamese (HánViệt) word;

 

Sinitic-Vietnamese Etyma	Chinese Etymology	Degrees of plausibility/meanings (rated from * to ******)
ăn	[ Vh @ M 唵 ǎn (SV àm, ảm) < MC ʔəm < OC qoːmʔ | *OC 唵 奄 談 晻 qoːmʔ | PNH: QĐ am2, ngam2, Hẹ jam3 | Kangxi: 《廣韻》《集韻》《韻會》《正韻》𠀤 烏感切，音 晻。《玉篇》含也。《廣韻》手 進食 也。又《正字通》釋 呪 多 用 唵 字。| Guangyun: 唵 晻 烏感 影 覃 感 上聲 一等 開口 覃 咸 上四十八感 ʔăm ʔᴀm ʔɒm ʔʌm ʔəm ʔəm an3 qomx oom 手進食也 ]	**** eat, put something into mouth, eat with the hand, (dialectal, Hokkien, childish), eat; interjection huh, Also: (old), hold in one's mouth, eat with one's hand
ănbám	(1) dựaphỏng, (2) ănbám, (3) bámvíu [ Vh @ M 依傍 yībàng (SV ỷbàng) \ Vh @ 傍 bàng ~ 'phỏng', 'bám', @ 依 yī ~ 'ăn', 'víu' || M 依 yī, yí, yǐ (y, ỷ) < MC ʔɨj < OC qɯl || M 傍 bàng, Páng < MC baŋ < OC *baːŋ, *baːŋs || Guoyu Cidian: 依傍 yībàng (1) 依靠。 《紅樓夢》第三回：「都中家岳母念及小女無人依傍教育，前已遣了男女船隻來接。」 , (2) 模仿。 明．陸時雍〈詩鏡 總論〉：「依傍前人，改成新法，非其善也。」 ]	**** rely on, depend on, Also: (a model), imitate, model oneself on, base a work on some model
ănđòn	[ Vh @ M 挨打 áidǎ (SV ảiđả) \ Vh @ 挨 ái ~ 'ăn', @ 打 dă ~ 'đòn' || M 挨 ăi, ái, āi (ai, ải, nhai) < MC ʔəɨj < OC *qlɯːʔ, *qrɯːʔ, *qrɯː || M 打 dă, dá, děng < MC tɛjŋ, taɨjŋ < OC *te:ŋ, *rteŋʔ || Example: 他 老 挨打, 都 皮了. Tā lăo ăidă, dōupíle. (Nó luôn ănđòn, đâmlìra.) = "He often gets beaten, and now he's become numb to it." ]	**** be punished, get beaten, cause to get punished, punishment, take a beating, get a thrashing, come under attack
ănkhớp	[ Vh @ M 吻合 wěnhé (SV vẫnhợp) \ Vh @ 吻 wěn ~ 'ăn', | ¶ /w- ~ Ø-/, @ 合 hé ~ 'khớp' || M 吻 (脗) wěn < MC mun < OC *mɯnʔ || M 合 hé, gě, gé, xiá (hợp, hiệp, cáp) < MC ɦəp, kəp < OC *kuːb, *guːb || Guoyu Cidian: 吻合 wěnhé 兩脣 相合。 比喻 事物 相 符合。 《莊子．齊物論》：「為其吻合，置其滑涽，以隸相尊。」, 《聊齋志異．卷二．蓮香》：「因試前履，肥瘦吻合，乃喜。」|| Example:  這個 計劃 與 我們 的 目標 完全 吻合. Zhège jìhuà yǔ wǒmen de mùbiāo wánquán wěnhé. (Kếhoạch này hoàntoàn ănkhớp với mụctiêu của chúngtôi.) = "This plan completely aligns with our goals." ]	**** match, fit, coincide, fit well into, good fit, be identical,
ăntiền	Vh @ M 贏錢 yíngqián (SV anhtiền) \ Vh @ 贏 yíng ~ 'ăn' || M 贏 (嬴) yíng (doanh, anh) < MC jiajŋ < OC *leŋ ||  Example: 妹妹 在 過年 玩 彩票 時 贏錢, 大家 要求 她 請客吃飯. Mèimei zài guònián wán cǎipiào shí yíngqián, dàjiā yāoqíu tā qǐngkè chīfàn. (Emgái ănTết chơi vésố ăntiền, cảnhà vòivĩnh côem mờiăncơmkhách.) = "During the Lunar New Year, my younger sister won money while playing the lottery, and everyone asked her to treat them to a meal." ]	******, win a bet, win money, posed to win, set to win, win-win situation,
bámtheo	[ Vh @# M 伴隨 bànsuí (SV bạntuỳ) \ Vh @ 伴 bàn ~ 'bám', @ 隨 suí  'theo' || M 伴 bàn, pàn < MC bʷɑn < OC *baːnʔ, *baːns || M 隨 suí < MC zʷiɛ < OC *ljol || Example: 黑暗 伴隨 著 罪惡. Hēi'àn bànsuízhe zuì'è. (Tộiác bámtheo bóngtối.) ]	****** follow, accompany,  tailgate, occur together with, concomitant
bấygiờ	[ Vh @ M 比時 bǐshí (SV tỷthời) || M 比 bǐ, bì, pí (bỉ, bí, bì, tỉ, tỷ) < MC pjɨ, pji, pi, < OC *bi, *pijʔ, *pijʔs, *pis, *prijʔ, *bis, *big || M 時 shí (thời, thì) < MC ʐy < OC *dhjə, *dhə, *djɯ || Guoyu Cidian: 比時 bǐshí (1) 當時。《禮記．祭義》：「比時 具物，不 可以 不備。」《元曲選．馬陵道．第三折》：「比時 龐涓 要得 抄寫 天書，即 免 其 死。」 , (2) 與 其。 《金瓶梅》第一六回：「比時 明日 與 哥 慶喜，不如 咱 如今 替 哥 把 一 杯酒兒，先 慶了喜 罷！」|| Example: 比時 的 技術 水平 還 很 初級. Bǐshí de jìshù shuǐpíng hái hěn chūjí. (Trìnhđộ kỹthuật bấygiờ vẫncòn sơkhai.) = "The technological level at that time was still very primitive.", x. 彼時 bǐshí (bấygiờ) = "then" ]	****** at that time, that time, by then, then
bón	Vh @ QT 播 bō, bǒ, bò (SV bá, bả) < MC pwa < OC *pa:ls | *OC 播 番 歌 播 paːls | Dialects: Cant. bo3, Hakka bo5 | Shuowen: 穜也。一曰布也。从手番聲。 𢿥，古文播。補過切 || Example: 播種. bōzhòng. (bóntrồng) = "sow", 農夫 在 田地 上 播 種. Nóngfū zài tiándì shàng bōzhòng. (Người nôngdân bón phân trên đồngruộng.) = "The farmer sows seeds in the field." }	**** sow, scatter, spread, spread out. Also: broadcast, proclaim, family surname of Chinese origin
bữa	(1) ban, (2) buổi, (3) bữa [ Vh @ QT 飯 fàn (SV phạn) < MC bwan, bʷiɐn < OC *bonʔ, *bons | *OC (1) 飯 反 元 飯 bonʔ , (2) 飯 反 元 飯 bons || Example:  每飯不忘. měifànbùwàng. (Khôngbuổinàonguôi.) = "think of someone every moment of the day.", 每飯. měifàn. (mỗibữa.) = "every meal", 餐飯. cānfàn. (bữacơm.) = "meal", 用飯. yòngfàn. (dùngbữa.) = "dining", 他 吃 完 午飯 就 出去 散步. Tā chīwán wǔfàn jiù chūqù sànbù. (Anhấy ănxong bữa trưarồi đi dạo.) = "He goes for a walk after finishing his lunch." ]	****** meal, meal time, in some contexts can represent a specific time period during the day associated with meals (e.g., morning, midday, or evening), time of the day, time
bưng	[ Vh @ M 捧 pěng (SV phùng) < MC pʰuawŋ< OC *pʰoŋʔ | ¶ /p- ~ b-/ || Example: 在 廣東 餐廳 裡 食客 經常 聽 服務員 往來 一邊 捧 碟菜 一邊 呼叫 '溫水, 溫水' 不絕口. Zài Guǎngdōng cāntīng lǐ shíkè jīngcháng tīng fúwùyuán wǎnglái yībiān pěng diécài yībiān hūjiào 'wēnshuǐ, wēnshuǐ' bùjuékǒu. (Ở các nhàhàng Quảngđông, thựckhách thườngxuyên nghethấy nhânviên phụcvụ lăngxăng vừa bưng dĩa đồăn vừa kêuréo 'nướcnóng, nướcnóng khôngdứtlời.) = "In Cantonese  restaurants, customers often hear waitstaff bustling around, carrying plates of food while shouting 'Hot water, hot water' nonstop." ]	**** hold with both hands, carry with both hands, offer with both hands, cup one's hands, double handful, scoop
bưngbít	[ Vh @ 蒙蔽 méngbì (SV môngtế) \ Vh @ 蒙 méng ~ 'bưng', @ 蔽 bì ~ 'bít' || M 蒙 méng, mēng, měng, máng, móu < MC muŋ < OC *mo:ŋ || M 蔽 bì, piē, fú (tế, phất) < MC pjej < OC *pets || Example: 偏見 常常 蒙蔽 了 判斷. Piānjiàn chángcháng méngbì le pànduàn. (Thiênkiến thườngthường bưngbít sựphánđoán.) = "Prejudice often blinds judgment.", 蒙蔽群眾 méngbì qúnzhòng (bưngbít quầnchúng) ="To deceive or obscure the truth from the masses."  ]	*** hide the truth from, befool, befuddle, cheat, deceive, delude, hoodwink, hoodwinking, conceal
bưởi	[ Vh @ M 柚 yòu, yóu (SV dữu) < MC jiw, ɖuwk < OC *l'ɯwɢ, *lɯwɢs | *OC (1) 柚 由 奧 狖 lɯwɢs 由轉註字, (2) 柚 由 覺 逐 l'ɯwɢ | ¶ /y- ~ b-/, Cf. 郵 yóu (bưu)="postal", 游 yóu (bơi) ="swim" || Example: 柚條 yóutiáo (tráibưởi) = "pomelo" ]	**** grapefruit, pomelo, shaddock.
bướu	瘤  líu (lựu) [ Vh @ QT 瘤 (癅) líu, lìu (SV lựu) < MC luw < OC *m·ru, *m·rus | *OC (1) 瘤 卯 幽 劉 m·ru, (2) 瘤 卯 幽 溜 m·rus | ¶ /l- ~ b-/, cf. 兵 bīng (lính) = "soldier" ]	**** tumor, burl, hump, knurl, nubble, lump, goiter, verruca, bursa,
bậnviệc	[ Vh @  忙活  mánghuó (SV manghoạt)  || M 忙活 mánghuó \ Vh @ 忙 máng ~ 'bận', @ 活 huó ~ 'việc' | M 忙 máng < MC maŋ < OC *ma:ŋ || M  huó, guō (SV hoạt, quạt) < MC kwat < OC *ko:d, *go:d || Handian: 忙活 mánghuó 亦作 “ 忙合 ”。 亦 作 “ 忙乎 ”。 亦 作 “ 忙火 ”。 猶 忙碌。 權寬浮《牧場雪蓮花》： “你 是 不要命 了，忙活 一整天 還不 睡覺。” , 端木蕻良 《曹雪芹》 第十四 章： “曹霑 在 一旁 直 忙活，時不時 地 用 漿糊 去 粘一粘。” || Example: 我 已 忙活 一個 上午, 事兒 還是 沒 做 完. Wǒ yǐ mánghuo yīgè shàngwǔ, shìr háishì méi zuò wán. (Tôi bậnviệc cả buổisáng rồi mà côngviệc vẫn chưa làmxong.) = "I’ve been busy all morning, but the work is still not finished." ]	**** be busy, occupied, preoccupied, unavailable, busy with something, bustle about. Also: work rapidly, urgent work, (Viet.), work, labor, earn a living
bèo	[ Vh @ M 薸  piāo (SV phiều) < MC biaw < OC *bew | *OC 薸 票 宵 瓢 bew 見方言 | PNH: QĐ piu1, piu4, Hẹ piau2 || Kangxi: 《康熙字典·艸部·十四》薸：《唐韻》符消切《韻會》毗霄切，𠀤 音 瓢。 《揚子·方言》江東 謂 浮萍 爲 薸。 又《集韻》紕招切，音漂。 彌遙切，音 描。義𠀤同。|| Guangyun: 薸 瓢 符霄 並 宵A 宵A 平聲 三等 開口 宵A 效 下平四宵 bʱi̯ɛu bĭɛu biɛu bjæu biᴇu biɛu biaw piao2 bjeu bieu 方言 云 江東 謂 浮萍 爲 薸 || cf. 浮萍 fúpíng (lụcbình) = "duckweed".  || Example: 《揚子·方言》江東 謂 浮萍 爲 薸. "Yángzǐ · Fāngyán" Jiāngdōng wèi fúpíng wéi piáo. (《Dươngtử · Phươngngữ》 Vùng Giangđông gọi lụcbình làbèo.) = "Yangzi · Dialects" notes that in Jiangdong, floating duckweed is referred to as "piao." ]	****** duckweed, Lemna minor
bắtgiọng	拋腔  pāoqiāng (SV phaokhang) [ Vh @ M 拋腔 pāoqiāng || M 拋 (抛) pāo, pào < MC phaw, pʰaɨw < OC *phaɨw, *phɛw, *pʰreːw, *pʰreːws  || M 腔 qiāng (SV xoang, khang) < MC kʰaɨwŋ  < OC *kʰroːŋ  || Handian: 拋腔 pāoqiāng 猶 開腔，開口 說話。 端木蕻良《科爾沁旗草原》十五：“劉老二 才 又 說：'大爺，他 是 想 走 這個 買賣，跟 我 拋腔，我 沒理 他，他 說 過 五月 三十，再 不 贖 就 撕票 了！'” || Example: 歌手 拋腔 優美 地 唱出 高音. Gēshǒu pāoqiāng yōuměi de chàngchū gāoyīn. (Casĩ bắtgiọng thánhthót cấtlên tiếngca caovút.) = "The singer starts singing beautifully with the high notes .", 他 跟 我 拋腔 是 想 商量 點 事情. Tā gēn wǒ pāoqiāng shì xiǎng shāngliáng diǎn shìqíng. (Anhấy bắtgiọng muốn thươnglượng côngviệc với tôi.) = "He started speaking to me to discuss some matters." ]	**** clear throat to talk, start to talk, opening one's mouth to speak" or "initiating dialogue, Also:, project resonance, start to sing
bờcõi	[ Vh @ 邊界 biānjiè (SV biêngiới)  \ Vh @ 邊 biān ~ 'bờ', @ 界 jiè ~ 'cõi '|| M 邊 biān, bian, niăo < MC pen < OC *mpeːn || M  界 jiè < MC kəɨj < OC *kre:ds || Ex. 開發邊界 kāifă biānjiāng (mởmang bờcõi) = "border expansion.", 古代 皇帝 重視 邊界 的 維護 與 拓展. Gǔdài huángdì zhòngshì biānjiè de wéihù yǔ tuòzhǎn. (Các hoàngđế thời cổđại rất chútrọng đến việcbảovệ và mởmang bờcõi.) = "Ancient emperors prioritized the maintenance and expansion of boundaries." ]	****** border area, borderland, frontier, frontier region
bởi	[ Vh @ M 由 yóu (SV do) < MC jəw < OC *ɫu | ¶ /y- ~ b-/, Ex. 游 yóu (bơi), 郵 yóu (bưu) = "postal", 柚 yòu (bưởi) = "grapefruit" || Example: 由于 yóuyú (bởivì) = "because" ]	****follow along, follow, from, it is for...to, reason, cause, because of, due to, pass through, by way of, by, to. Also: sprout, leave it to somebody, be it
bơi	[ Vh @ M 游 yóu, líu, qíu < MC juw < OC *lu | *OC 游 斿 幽 猷 lu | PNH: QĐ jau4, Hẹ ju2 | Tang reconstruction: iou | Shuowen: 旌旗之流也。从㫃汓聲。𨒰，古文游。以周切 | Guangyun: 游 猷 以周 以 尤 尤 平聲 三等 開口 尤 流 下平十八尤 jĭəu jɨu jiu juw you2 ju jou 浮也放也又姓出馮翊廣平前燕慕容廆以廣平游䆳爲股肱 || Note: ¶ /y- ~ b-/, Ex. 郵 yóu (bưu) = "postal", 柚 yòu (bưởi) = "grapefruit", 由yóu (bởi) = "because" || Example: 鵝兒 在 水塘 裡 悠 游. Ér zài shuǐtáng lǐ yōu yóu. (Ngỗng lội nhởnhơ trong đầmnước.) = "The goose leisurely swims in the pond." ]	**** swim
bợ	[ Vh @ M 抔 póu, bào (SV bầu) < MC pʰwəj < OC *pʰlɯː, *bɯ | Dialects: Cant. pau4, Hakka piau1 | Shuowen: 把也。今 鹽官 入 水 取 鹽 爲 掊。从 手 咅 聲。 父溝切 || Example: 他 用 手 抔 水 飲下. Tā yòng shǒu póu shuǐ yǐnxià. (Anhấy dùnghai tay bụm nước mà uống.) = "He used his hands to scoop water and drink it. ", 小孩 抔 著 沙 玩耍. Xiǎohái póu zhe shā wánshuǎ. (Đứatrẻ đang vốc cát chơiđùa.) = "The child is holding sand and playing." ]	**** hold with both hands, carry with both hands, offer with both hands, cup one's hands. Also: double handful, scoop
bồnhoa	[ Vh # 花盆 huā​pén (SV hoabồn) ]	**** flower pot
bọn	(1) bọn, (2) bênh [ Vh @ M 幫 bāng < MC paŋ < OC *pa:ŋ | *OC 幫 封 陽 幫 paːŋ 段玉裁雲源自䋽 | Dialect: Cant. bong1 | Kangxi: 《康熙字典·巾部·十四》幫：《廣韻》《正韻》博旁切《集韻》逋旁切，𠀤音幇。《廣韻》幫衣，治絲履。《集韻》治履邊也。《六書故》幫，裨帖也。省作幇。凡事物旁取者皆曰幫。 | Guangyun: 幫 幫 博旁 幫 唐開 唐 平聲 一等 開口 唐 宕 下平十一唐 pɑŋ pɑŋ pɑŋ pɑŋ pɑŋ pɑŋ paŋ bang1 pang pang 衣治鞋履出文字集略博旁切五 || ZYYY: 幫 邦 幫 江陽開 江陽 陰平 開口呼 paŋ || Môngcổ tựvận: bang paŋ 平聲 || Starostin : to help; border, rim (orig. of shoes); group (of people). A late character (attested only since Tang in all meanings). || Example: 川普, 習近平, 普京, 非人 也, 他們 這 幫人 沒救 了, 真是 狗改不了吃屎! Chuānpǔ, Xí Jìnpíng, Pǔjīng, fēirén yě, tāmen zhè bāngrén méijìule, zhēnshi gǒugǎibùliǎochīshǐ! (Trôn, Sụtcặc Bình, Pootin, bọn ngườingợm chúngnó hếtthuốcchữa rồi, đúnglà đồchó khóbỏ thói ăncứt!) = "Trump, Xi Jingping, Pootin, not human beings, these people are beyond saving; truly, a dog can't stop eating its own filth!" ]	**** group (of people). Also: help; border, rim (orig. of shoes)
cáchtrở	[ Vh # M 阻隔 zǔgé (SV trởcách) || Example:《詩經》: 邊關 阻隔 千里, 情懷 相連. 'Shījīng': Biānguān zǔgé qiānlǐ, qínghuái xiānglián. ('Thikinh': Quansan cáchtrở muônngàn, tuyxamàgần.) = " 'Shijing': Although separated by thousand miles, heartfelt bonds keep us close." ]	**** cut off, separate, separation
caocả	高貴 gāoguì (SV caoquý) [ Vh @ M 高貴 gāoguì / Vh @ 貴 guì ~ 'cả'  || M 貴 guì (quý, quí) < MC kʷɨi < OC *kluds || Example: 她的 舉止 高貴 優雅, 讓 人 感到 無比 敬佩. Tā de jǔzhǐ gāoguì yōuyǎ, ràng rén gǎndào wúbǐ jìngpèi. (Cửchỉ của côấy caocả và nhãnhặn, khiến ngườita vôcùng kínhphục.) = "Her noble and elegant demeanor inspires immense admiration." ]	****** noble, grandeur, elevated, of high moral value
chay	[ Vh @ M 齋 (齊)  zhāi (SV trai) < MC tʂəɨj < OC *ʔsriːl || Example: 齋 戒 是 一種 精神 的 修行, 需要 堅持 和 自律. Zhāijiè shì yì zhǒng jīngshén de xiūxíng, xūyào jiānchí hé zìlǜ. (Ănchay là hìnhthức tuhành tinhthần, cần sự kiêntrì và kỷluật.) = "Fasting is a form of spiritual practice that requires perseverance and discipline." ]	**** be religiously pure, vegetarian, abstinence, fast, be on diet, vegetarian diet, abstain from meat
chịtư	[ Vh @# M 四姊  sìzǐ (SV tứtỷ ~ M 四姐 sìjiě (SV tứthơ) || M 四 (亖) sì < MC sjɨ < OC *slhijs || M 姊 (姉) zǐ, jiě (tỷ, tỉ) < MC tsjɨ < OC *ɕjəjʔ, *ɕjəi || Example: Cf.  二姊  èrzǐ (chịhai) = "Sister Two", 三姊 sānjzǐ (chịba) = "Sister Three", etc. ]	**** (Cultural terms of endearment to call one's the fourth older sister), Elder Sister Four, the fourth elder sister in the family
chớhòng	[ Vh @ M 休想 xīuxiăng (SV hưutưởng)  \ Vh @ 休 xīu ~ 'chớ'| ¶ /x- ~ ch/- || M 休 xīu, xǔ < MC hɨu < OC *qʰu  || M 想 xiăng < MC sɨaŋ < OC *slaŋʔ || Example: 你 想 騙 我? 休想! Nǐ xiǎng piàn wǒ? Xīxiǎng! (Anh muốn bịp tôi hả? Chớhòng!) = "You want to deceive me? No way!"]	****** don't you ever think of, do not expect, don't imagine that it's possible, no way
chônvùi	(1) machay, (2) vùichôn, (3) chônvùi [ Vh @# M 埋葬  máizàng (SV maitáng) \ Vh @ 埋 mái (mai) ~ 'vùi' | ¶ /m- ~ v-/, 'ma' 魔 mó (ma), @ 葬 zàng ~ 'chôn || M 埋 mái, mán < MC mǝj  < OC || M 埋 mái, mán < MC *məɨj < OC *mrɯː || M 葬 zàng < MC tsaŋ < OC *ʔsaːŋs || § 殯葬 bìnzàng (đámchết) ='funeral'  || Example  在 古都 順化 1968 越共 戊申 春節 總攻擊 所 自稱 神京 教師 詩人 黃府玉祥 領先 殘殺 本地 人民 上萬 名 讓 他們 的 屍體 埋葬 在 無數 集體墳墓. Zài Gǔdū Shùnhuà 1968 Yuègòng  Wùshēn Chūnjié Zǒnggōngjí suǒ zìchēng shénjīng jiàoshī shīrén Huáng Fǔ Yù Xiáng lǐngxiān cánshā běndì rénmín shàngwàn míng ràng tāmen de shītǐ máizàng zài wúshù jítǐfénmù. (Tại Cốđô Huế trong Cuộc Tổngcôngkích Tết Mậuthân 1968 của Việtcộng tên tựxưng là Nhàthơ Giáosư của đất thầnkinh  Hoàng Phủ Ngọc Tường đã dẫnđầu tànsát hàngvạn ngườidân bảnđịa rồi chônvùi thithể của họ trong vôsố những nấmmồtậpthể.) = "In the ancient capital of Huế during the 1968 Tet Offensive launched by the Việt Cộng, a self-proclaimed poet and teacher of the imperial city, Hoàng Phủ Ngọc Tường, led the brutal massacre of tens of thousands of local residents. Their bodies were buried in countless mass graves."]	**** bury, burial, funeral
consâu	(1) consâu, (2) contrùn, (3) consán [Vh @# 蟲子 chóng​zi​ (SV trùngtử) \ Vh @ 子 zǐ ~ 'con' | Cf.  Dialect: Fukienese /kẽ/ || M 蟲 chóng < MC ɖuwŋ < OC *l'uŋ, *l'uŋs || M 子 zī, zǐ, zì, zí, zi, cí (tử, tý) < MC tsɨ < OC *ʔslɯʔ  || Example: 這些 蟲子 對 農作物 有 很大 的 危害. Zhèxiē chóngzi duì nóngzuòwù yǒu hěndà de wēihài. (Những consâu này gây nguyhại rấtlớn đốivới đồnôngsản.) = "These insects cause significant harm to crops.", Cf. 瓢蟲 piáochóng (sâubọ) ='insects' ]	*** insect, bug. Also: worm, earth worm,
cánhđồng	[ Vh @# M 田間  tián​jiān (SV điềngian) \ Vh @ 田 tián ~ 'đồng', @ 間 jiān ~ 'cánh' || M 田 (佃) tián < MC dɛn < OC *l'iːŋ || M 間 (閒) jiān, jiàn, xián (gian, gián) < MC kəɨn < OC *kre:n, *kre:ns || Handian: (1) 田地 裡。 老舍《駱駝祥子》三：“走到什麼地方了？不想問了，雖然田間已有男女來作工。”,  (2) 泛指農村、鄉間。 宋 蘇軾《答錢濟明書》：“聞魯直、 無咎輩皆起，而公獨為猘子所囓，尚棲遲田間。”  || Example:  農夫 清晨 開始 在 田間 工作, 忙碌 而 充實. Nóngfū qīngchén kāishǐ zài tiánjiān gōngzuò, mánglù ér chōngshí. (Nôngdân sángsớm bắtđầu làmviệc trên cánhđồng, tấtbật mà trungthực.) ="Farmers start working in the fields early in the morning, busy but fulfilled." ]	*** field, farm, farming area, among the fields. Also: village, country, countryside,
cóng	[ Vh @ M 寒 hán (SV hàn) < MC ɦan < OC *ga:n | *OC 寒 寒 元 寒 ɡaːn || Dialect: Hainanese /gua2/ || Example: 寒冷 的 冬天 讓 人 感到 不適. Hánlěng de dōngtiān ràng rén gǎndào bùshì. (Mùa đông lạnhcóng làm ngườita cảmthấy khóchịu.) = "The cold winter makes people feel uncomfortable." ]	****** be cold, wintry, chilly, freezing, tremble. Also: poor, humble
cùichỏ	(1) cùichỏ, (2) khuỷutay [ Vh @# M 手肘  shǒuzhǒu (SV thủtrửu) \ Vh @ 手 shǒu ~ tay, chỏ, @ 肘 zhǒu ~ 'cùi', 'khuỷu' | M 手 shǒu < MC ɕuw < OC *hnjɯwʔ  || M 肘 zhǒu < MC ʈəw < OC *truʔ, *triwʔ  || Example: 她 用 手肘 撐著 桌子, 思考 著 一個 問題. Tā yòng shǒuzhǒu chēngzhe zhuōzi, sīkǎo zhe yíge wèntí. (Côấy chống khuỷutay lênbàn, suynghĩ vềmột vấnđề.) = "She rested her elbows on the table, thinking about a problem." ]	**** elbow.
cắtgiảm	[ Vh @ M 裁減 cáijiăn (SV tàigiảm) \ Vh @ 裁 cái ~ 'cắt' 隔 gē (cat) | M 裁 cái, zài < MC dzəj < OC *zlɯː, *zlɯːs || Example: 裁減軍備 cáijiănjūnbèi (tàigiảmquânbị) = "disarmament" ]	**** reduce, cut down, lessen
cậtruột	Vh @ 骨肉 gǔ​ròu (SV cốtnhục) [ Vh @ M 骨肉 gǔ​ròu | M 骨 gǔ, gū, gù < MC kot < OC *kūt || M 肉 ròu < MC ɳʊk < OC *nhikʷ, *nhuk ]^{ } Example: 兄妹 骨肉至親. Xiōngmēi gǔròuzhìqīn. (Anhem cậtrộtchíthân.) = "They are blood brother and sister." ]	****** blood relation, kin, one's flesh and blood, blood
cơbụng	腹肌 fùjī (SV phúccơ) [ Vh @# M 腹肌 fù​jī​ || M 腹 fù < MC puwk < OC *pu || Example: 他 每天 都 鍛煉 腹肌, 希望 能 擁有 健美 的 體型. Tā měitiān dōu duànliàn fùjī, xīwàng néng yǒngyǒu jiànměi de tǐxíng. (Anhấy luyệntập cơbụng mỗingày, mongmuốn có hìnhthể khoẻđẹp.) = ""He trains his abdominal muscles every day, hoping to achieve a fit physique.") ]	**** abdominal muscle
cha	(1) cha, (2) tía [ Vh @ M 爹 diē, duò (SV ta, đa, đà) < MC da, ʈia < OC *daːʔ, *tja: | *OC (1) 爹 多 歌 爹 daːʔ 與 㸙 同源 , (2) 爹 多 歌 爹 tjaː 與㸙同源 | Pt 得何 | Dialects: Cant. de1, Hakka dia1, Hainanese die1, Chaozhou tie5 | Kangxi: 《廣韻》屠可切《集韻》《韻會》待可切，𠀤音舵。《廣雅》爹，父也。《南史·梁始興王憺傳》詔徵還朝，人歌曰：始興王人之爹，赴人急如水火，何時復來哺乳我。荆土方言謂父爲爹，故云。《廣韻》爹，北方人呼父，與南史不合。《韓愈·祭女挐女文》阿爹，阿八。 ◎ 按集韻云：說文爹，㸙父也。說文本無父部，又不載多部，集韻引說文誤。 又《廣韻》《集韻》陟邪切《正韻》丁邪切，𠀤雅平聲。《廣韻》羌人呼父也。| Guangyun: (1) 爹 爹 陟邪 知 麻三開 麻 平聲 三等 開口 麻 假 下平九麻 ȶi̯a ȶĭa ȶia ȶia ʈia ʈia ʈia zhe1 tria tya 羌人呼父也陟邪切一, (2) 爹 爹 徒可 定 歌 哿 上聲 一等 開口 歌 果 上三十三哿 dʱɑ dɑ dɑ dɑ dɑ dɑ da duo4 dax daa 北方人呼父徒可切九 || ZYYY: 爹 爹 端 車遮齊 車遮 陰平 齊齒呼 tiɛ || Note: The pronunciation 'tía' shows us that this word is closer to the spoken sound in Mandarin. Meanwhile, the sound 'cha' is closer to the ancient pronunciation, reconstructed as Middle Chinese (MC) 假開三平麻知, Fanqie spellings as 知麻 (tr+a ~ cha, M 知 zhī 'tri,' Hainanese /tai/ < t-), with a level tone, open vowel, and pronounced similarly to 假 jiǎ (meaning 'false') ~> 'trá'. || Example: 甚 為 可惜 我 爹 未遂 其志. Shèn wéi kěxí wǒ diē wèisuì qí zhì. (Thương cha chílớn chưathành.) = "I grieve for my father’s great aspirations that remain unfulfilled.", 爹 之 功 如 泰山, 娘 之 義 如 源水 流方. Diē zhī gōng rú Tàishān, niáng zhī yì rú yuánshuǐ líufāng. (Công cha như núi Tháisơn, nghĩa mẹ như nước trong nguồn chảyra.) = "A father's efforts are like the towering Mount Tai, and a mother's virtue is like the water flowing endlessly from its source." ]	****** father, dad, daddy, Also: (Viet.), abbot, Right Reverend Father, Father
chà	(1) thát, (2) chà  礤  cǎ​ (thát) [ Vh @# M 礤 (攃) cǎ < MC tsʰat < OC *srat | *OC 礤 祭 月 攃 shlaːd 集韻 同 攃 | PNH: QĐ ​caat3, Hẹ cat7 | Kangxi: 《廣韻》《集韻》七曷切，音攃。《玉篇》粗石也。又同攃，摩也。 | Guangyun: 礤 攃 七曷 清 曷 曷 入聲 一等 開口 寒 山 入十二曷 tsʰɑt tsʰɑt tsʰɑt tsʰɑt tsʰɑt tsʰɑt tsʰat ca chat cat 麤礤 ]	*** kitchen implement for grating vegetables, shredder, grater. Also: grindstone, rough rock, grind, rub
chếtkhô	(1) khôchết, (2) chếtkhô [ Vh @# M 枯死 kūsǐ (SV khôtử) || M 死 sǐ < MC sji < OC *hljiʔ || Handian: (1) 枯萎 而 死。 《史記·殷本紀》：“ 太戊從之，而 祥桑 枯死 而 去。” 漢 王充《論衡·氣壽》：“物 有 為 實，枯死 而墮；人 有 為兒，夭命 而 傷。” , (2) 指 死亡。 劉白羽《血與水》：“但 人 絕 不能 在 肉體 還活 著 時 而 靈魂 卻 已經 枯死。” || Example: 樹木 因 缺水 而 枯死, 森林 變得 荒涼. shùmù yīn quēshuǐ ér kūsǐ, sēnlín biànde huāngliáng. (Câycối vì thiếunước mà chếtkhô, khiến rừngrậm trởnên hoangvu.) = "The trees withered and died due to lack of water, leaving the forest desolate." ]	*** wilt, wither, died up, wilted, withered. Also: die
càithắt	[ Vh @ M 系上 xìshàng (SV hệthượng) \ Vh @ 系 xì ~ 'cài', @ 上 shàng ~ thắt | M 系 xì < MC ɦej < OC *ɡeːɡs || M 上 shàng, shǎng (thượng, thướng) < MC dʑɨaŋ < OC *djaŋʔ, *djaŋs ]	*** tie up, buckle up, fasten
cósaonóivậy	(1) cứviệcnóithiệt, (2) cứviệcnóithực, (3) cứviệcnóithật, (4) cósaonóivậy  實話實說 shí​huà​shí​shuō (thựcthoạithựcthuyết) [ Vh @# M 實話實說 shí​huà​shí​shuō | M 實 shí < MC ʑit < OC *lit || M 話 huà < MC ɠwɑi < OC *ghwra:ts || M 說 shuō, tuō, shuì, yuè < MC ʂwet, ʂwej < OC *ɬwet, *ɬot ]	*** tell the truth, tell it as it is, speak frankly, not beat about the bush, not mince words, talk straight.
côquạnh	[ Vh @  孤惸 gūqióng (SV côquỳnh)  || M 惸 qióng < MC gwiajŋ < OC *ɡʷeŋ || Guoyu Cidian: 孤惸 gūqióng 孤苦 之 民。 金．元好問．宛丘歎詩：「君不見劉君宰葉海內稱，饑摩寒拊哀孤惸，碑前千人萬人泣，父老夢見如平生。」|| Example: 他 在 城市 裡 孤惸 無依無靠, 沒有 親人 或 朋友. Tā zài chéngshì lǐ gūqióng wúyīwúkào, méiyǒu qīnrén huò péngyǒu. (Ôngta côquạnh khôngnơinươngtựa ở thànhphố này, khôngcó ngườithân hay bạnbè.) = "He is lonely and without support in the city, with no family or friends." ]	****** alone, desolate, solitary, dejected,  lonely and destitute; solitary and helpless
cơmthừacanhcặn	[ Vh @# M 殘羹剩飯 cángēngshèngfàn || M 殘 cán < MC dzan < OC *zlaːn, *za:ns || M 羹 gēng, láng (canh, hành, lanh) < MC kaiŋ, kaɨjŋ < OC *kraŋ || M 剩 (剰) shèng < MC ʑiŋ < OC *ɦljɯŋs || M 飯 fàn < MC bwan, bʷiɐn < OC *bonʔ, *bons ]	******(idiomatic), leftovers from a meal, (figuratively), remnants handed down from others, hand-downs
cổxưa	Vh @# M 古昔  gǔxī (cổtích) || QT 古 gǔ < MC ko < OC *ka:ʔ || QT 昔 xī, xí, cuó, cuò < MC siajk < OC *sja: ]	**** antiquity, ancient times, of old, in times gone, in olden days, an age in the remote past.
cớsao	(1) cớgì, (2) hàcớ, (3) cớsao [ VH @# M 何故 hégù (SV hàcố) \ Vh @ 何 hé ~ 'sao', 'gì' || QT 何 hé, hè (SV hà, hồ) < MC ɦɑ < OC *ɡaːl, *ɡaːlʔ || QT 故 gù < MC kuo < OC *kɑ:s || Guoyu Cidian: 何故 hégù 為了 什麼 緣故。 《文選．陸機．五等論》：「然 周 以 之 存，漢 以 之 亡，夫 何故 哉？」,《初刻拍案 驚奇》卷二：「又 不曾 盤問 客官 出身，何故 通 三代 腳色？」 || Example: 渡 我 不 渡 她? 何故 聽到 浪聲 在 心中? Dù wǒ bùdù tā? Hégù tīngdào làng shēng zài xīnzhōng. (Đưa ta saokhông đưa người sangsông? Cớsao nghe tiếng sóng tronglòng?) = "Me saved but why not her — why is that so? And why do I hear the sound of waves in my heart?" ]	**** how come, why, wherefore, for what reason, what for, why was that
dịudàng	Vh @#® M 輕悠悠 qīngyōuyōu (SV khinhdudu) || M 輕 qīng, qìng (khinh, khánh) < MC kʰiajŋ < OC *kʰeŋ, *kʰeŋs | ¶ /q-, x- ~ nh-/ || M 悠 yōu, yóu < MC jǝw, zhǝw < OC *lhu || Example:她 的 歌聲 輕悠悠 地 回蕩 在 房間 裡, 令人 陶醉. Tāde gēshēng qīngyōuyōu de huídàng zài fángjiān lǐ, lìngrén táozuì. (Giọng hát của côấy dịudàng vang vọng trong căn phòng, khiến ngườita sayđắm.) = "Her singing voice echoed lightly in the room, enchanting everyone." ]	**** leisurely, gently, quietly, ethereally, (of a sound or a music), melodious, gently
dưahấu	[ Vh @# QT 塊瓜 kuàiguā \ Vh @ 塊 kuài ~ 'hấu' || QT 塊 kuài, kuāi < MC kʰuoi < OC *kʰruːls, *kʰruːds || QT 瓜 guā < MC kwaɨ < OC *kʷraː || Example: 塊瓜 在 夏天 吃 最 解渴 了. Kuàiguā zài xiàtiān chī zuì jiěkě le. (Ăn dưahấu vào mùahè là cách giảikhát tốt.) = "Watermelon is the most thirst-quenching to eat in summer." }	**** watermelon, water melon, Citrullus lanatus, Cucurbitaceae,
dânquèn	[ Vh @ M 賤民 jiàn​mín​ (SV tiệndân) || M 賤民 jiàn​mín​ || M 賤 jiàn < MC  dzian < OC *zlens || Example: 在 古代, 賤民 通常 被 排斥 在 社會 的 主流 之外. Zài gǔdài, jiànmín tōngcháng bèi páichì zài shèhuì de zhǔliú zhīwài. (Thời cổđại, dânquèn thường là bị loạibỏ khỏi rangoài dòngchảychính của xãhội.) = "In ancient times, outcasts were often excluded from the mainstream of society." ]	**** social stratum below the level of ordinary people, the outcast, (India caste), dalit, untouchable,
dở	[ Vh @ M 窳 yǔ (SV dũ) || M 窳 yǔ, yú < MC juə̆ < OC *loʔ | Dialecst: Cant. jyu5, Hakka ji3 || Example: 窳 的 產品 經常 被 投訴, 因為 它們 不 耐 用 Yǔ de chǎnpǐn jīngcháng bèi tóusù, yīnwèi tāmen bù nàiyòng. (Những sảnphẩm dỡ thường bị phànnàn vì chúng không bền.) = "Inferior products are often complained about because they are not durable." ]	**** low quality, corrupt, bad, useless, weak, dirty, powerless. Also: cracked, flaw
đậunành	(1) đậunành, (2) đậuváng [ Vh @# M 黃豆 huángdòu (SV hoàngđậu)  \ Vh @# M 黃豆 huángdòu \ Nh @ 黃 huáng ~ 'nành', váng | ¶ /w- ~ n-, v-/ | M 黃 (黄) huáng (SV hoàng, huỳnh) < MC gwɒŋ < OC *ɡʷaːŋ ]	**** soybean, Also:, yellow bean, yellow pea
đỏ	[ Vh @ M 彤 tóng (SV đồng) < MC dawŋ < OC *l'uːŋ | *OC 彤 彡 終 彤 l'uːŋ | PNH: QĐ tung4, Hẹ tung2 | Kangxi: 《唐韻》《集韻》《韻會》𠀤徒冬切，音佟。 《說文》丹飾也。 从丹，从彡。彡，其畫也。《玉篇》赤色。 《詩·邶風》貽 我 彤 管。 《左傳·定九年》靜女之三章取彤管焉。 《註》彤管，赤管筆，女史記事規誨之所執。 《疏》必 用 赤者，示 其 以 赤心正人 也。 《書·文侯之命》彤弓一。 《詩·小雅·彤弓傳》彤弓，朱弓也。 | Guangyun: 彤 彤 徒冬 定 冬 冬 平聲 一等 開口 冬 通 上平二冬 dʱuoŋ duoŋ doŋ doŋ duoŋ duoŋ dawŋ tong2 duung dvng 赤也丹飾也亦姓彤伯爲成王宗 (枝/伯) 徒冬切二十二 || Note: Japanese reading dō, tō, (tou, zu); Kan-on: tou, Go-on: dou || Note: The similarity in pronunciation between the Vietnamese word "đỏ" and the Japanese Kanji of this term does not mean there is mutual borrowing, but it demonstrates phonetic transformations. In Japanese, this results from dropping final consonants, while in Vietnamese, it is the outcome of rounded vowels.) || Cf. 'đau' 痛 tòng (SV thống) = 'pain' || Example: 紅彤彤 hóngtóngtóng (đỏhồng) = "pink" ]	****  red, be red, red color, vermilion, redden, scarlet, vibrant, reddish hues
đỏhồng	(1) đơnhồng, (2) đỏhồng 丹紅 dānhóng (SV đanhồng) [ Vh @ M 丹紅 dānhóng || M 丹 dān < MC tan < OC *dan || Handian: 丹紅 dānhóng 赤色。南朝梁簡文帝《新成安樂宮》詩：“遙看雲霧中，刻桷映丹紅。” ]	**** pink, light red
độchừng	大致 dà​zhì (SV đạichí) [ Vh @ M 大致 dà​zhì \ Vh @ 大 dà ~ 'độ' || M 大 (太) dà, duò, dài, dăi, tài (SV đại, thái) < MC daj, da < OC *da:d, *da:ds || M 致 zhì < MC ʈji < OC *tigs ]	**** more or less, roughly, approximately
đểlộ	(1) đểlộ, (2) lộtẩy, (3) lòixì [ Vh @# M 露底 lòudǐ (SV lộđế) || M 露 lù, lòu (lộ, lậu) < MC luo < OC *ɡraːɡs || M 底 (厎) dǐ, dì, de (để, đế) < MC tei < OC *tiːlʔ || Example: 馬斯克 在 辯論 中 不 小心 露底, 暴露 了 自己 的 真實 納粹 立場. Mǎsīkè zài biànlùn zhōng bù xiǎoxīn lùdǐ, bàolù le zìjǐ de zhēnshí Nà​cuì​ lìchǎng. (Mút ấy vôý đểlộ lậptrường Nazi thậtsự của mình khi biệnluận.) = "Musk accidentally revealed his true Nazi stance during the debate." ]	*** let out a secret, expose a secret, reveal one's secret or true nature, let something slip, Also: (informal), expose one's underwear
đọng	[ Vh @ M 渟 tíng (SV đình) < MC deŋ < OC *deŋ | *OC 渟 丁 耕 庭 deːŋ | Dialects: Cant. ting4, Hakka tin2 | Kangxi: 《廣韻》特丁切《集韻》《韻會》《正韻》唐丁切，𠀤音庭。 《埤蒼》渟，水止也。 《史記·李斯傳》決渟水致之海。或作亭。 《前漢·西域傳》其水亭居。又與停同。 《後漢·趙岐傳》渟車呼與共載。又《集韻》​​湯丁切，音廳。與汀同。水際平地也。 | Guangyun: 渟 庭 特丁 定 青開 青 平聲 四等 開口 青 梗 下平十五青 dʱieŋ dieŋ deŋ dɛŋ deŋ deŋ dɛjŋ ting2 dn dn 水止 || Example: 雨後 池塘 的 水 渟留 不動, 倒映 葉子 的 倒影. Yǔhòu chítáng de shuǐ tínglíu bùdòng, dàoyìng yèzi de dàoyǐng. (Sau cơnmưa, nước lắngđọng trong những chỗtrũng, phảnchiếu bóng lácây.) = "After the rain, the pond water remains still, reflecting the leaves' shadows." ]	****** (of water), remain still, stop, stagnate, stagnant water
đun	[ Vh @ M 燉 dùn, dūn, tūn, tún (SV đôn, đốn) < MC tun < OC *tʰuːn, *tuːn, *tuːns | *OC (1) 燉 敦 文 頓 tuːns , (2) 燉 敦 文 暾 tʰuːn , (3) 燉 敦 文 屯 duːn | Dialects: Cant. dan6, deon6, Hakka dun1 | Kangxi: 《康熙字典·火部·十二》燉：《玉篇》徒昆切《集韻》徒渾切《正韻》徒孫切，𠀤 音 屯。 《玉篇》火盛貌。《廣韻》火色。又燉煌，郡名。《漢書》作敦煌。煌大也。詳前煌字註。又《廣韻》《集韻》𠀤他昆切，音暾。義同。又與焞通。◎ 按周禮春官菙氏疏，引士喪禮，楚焞作楚燉。 釋文云：燉，吐敦反。又徒敦反。又在悶反。又祖悶反。一音純本反。一音祖舘反。是燉焞通也。互詳前焞字註。 || Guangyun: (1) 燉 暾 他昆 透 魂 魂 平聲 一等 合口 魂 臻 上平二十三魂 tʰuən tʰuən tʰuən tʰuən tʰuən tʰuon tʰwən tun1 thuon thuon 火熾又燉煌郡燉大煌盛也, (2) 燉 屯 徒渾 定 魂 魂 平聲 一等 合口 魂 臻 上平二十三魂 dʱuən duən duən duən duən duon dwən tun2 duon duon || Example: 燉魚湯 dùn yútāng (đun canhcá) = "brew fish soup", 藥燉 排骨 Yàodùn páigǔ (thịtsườn hầmthuốc) = "herb-stewed spareribs", 燉水 dùnshuǐ (đunnước) = "boil water" ]	*** heat with fire, stew, brew, sim, broil, boil, glaring fire
đìuhiu	[Vh @# M 蕭條 xiāotiáo (SV tiêuđiều) || M 蕭 xiāo < MC siew < OC *sɯːw || M 條 (樤) tiáo, dí (SV điều, thiêu) < MC dɛw < OC *l'ɯːw || Guoyu Cidian: 蕭條 xiāotiáo (1) 寂寥 冷清 的 樣子。 《文選．曹植．贈白馬王彪詩》：「原野何蕭條，白日忽西匿。」唐．岑參〈山房春事〉詩：「梁園日暮亂飛鴉，極目蕭條三兩家。」, (2) 經濟 不 景氣。 || Example: 荒涼 的 景色 讓 人 感到 蕭條 和 孤寂. Huāngliáng de jǐngsè ràng rén gǎndào xiāotiáo hé gūjì. (Cảnhsắc hoangvu khiến ngườita cảmthấy đìuhiu và côtịch.) = "The desolate scenery makes people feel bleak and lonely." ]	****** desolate, bleak, dreary, gloomy, depressed. Also: few, (economic) depression
đôi	[ Vh @ 對 duì (SV đối) MC twəj < OC *tuːbs | | *OC 對 對 內 對 tuːbs | Dialects: Cant. deoi3, Hakka dui5 | Shuowen: 譍無方也。从丵从口从寸。對，對或从士。漢文帝以爲責對而爲言，多非誠對，故去其口以从士也。都隊切 文四，重二  | Guangyun: 對 對 都隊 端 灰 隊 去聲 一等 合口 灰 蟹 去十八隊 tuɑ̆i tuɒi tuᴀi tuɒi tuʌi tuoi twəj dui4 tuaih tuoy 荅也當也配也楊也應也古作𡭊漢文責𡭊而面言多謂非誠𡭊故去其口以從土也都隊切六 || ZYYY: 對 對 端 齊微合 齊微 去聲 合口呼 tui || Example: 對聯 duìlián (đôiliễn) = "couplets" ]	****** a pair, a couple, couplet, Also: respond, right, answer, correspond to, correct, that is right, be contrary to, opposite to, oppose, rival
đất	[ Vh @ M 土 tǔ, dù (thổ, độ, đỗ) < MC thʰɔ, duo < OC *l̥ʰaːʔ, *l'aːʔ | Li Fang-Kuei: OC *dagx | *OC (1) 土 土 魚 土 l̥ʰaːʔ , (2) 土 土 魚 杜 l'aːʔ | Dialects: Cant. tou2, Hakka tu3 | Shuowen: 地之吐生物者也。二象地之下、地之中，物出形也。凡土之屬皆从土。它魯切 | Guangyun: (1) 土 土 他魯 透 模 姥 上聲 一等 開口 模 遇 上十姥 tʰuo tʰu tʰo tʰo tʰuo tʰuo tʰɔ tu3 thox thuu 釋名曰土吐也吐萬物也文字指歸無點他魯切四, (2) 土 杜 徒古 定 模 姥 上聲 一等 開口 模 遇 上十姥 dʱuo du do do duo duo dɔ du4 dox duu 土田地主也本音吐 || ZYYY: 土 土 透 魚模合 魚模 上聲 合口呼 tʰu || Starostin: MC tho < OC *tha:ʔ (Chúý âmcuối -ʔ) | Also used for *d(h)a:? (MC do/, Pek. du\) roots of mulberry tree. | Proto-Austro-Asiatic: *tɛj, Proto-Katuic: *tɛ:(k) T?, Proto-Bahnaric: *teh T?, Khmer: ṭi: < OK ti, ti:, Proto-Pearic: *theʔ.A, Proto-Vietic: *tǝ:t, Proto-Monic: *ti:ʔ, Proto-Palaungic: *tɛʔ, Proto-Khmu: *teʔ, Khasi: pyrthei, Proto-Aslian: *(ʔǝ)tɛʔ, Proto-Viet-Muong: *tVk, Thomon: tǝt.31, Tum: tǝt.45 (Kh 767, 799; VHL 403; S-149) | ¶ /t- (th-) ~ đ-/, /-u ~ ôt, -ôc/: Ex. tù 宊: đột; tú 圖: tù: dú 獨: độc; dù 督 :đốc; hù 忽: hốt; bù 不: bất; bì 畢: tốt, bì 必: tất; gǔ 骨: cốt ;tủ 櫝 dú; đọc 讀 dú; táng 唐: đường; tán 談: đàm; tán 壇: đàn; tuǐ 腿: đùi; tòng 痛: đau; tóu 頭: đầu; tǎ 踏: đạp; tú 圖: đồ; tiáo 條: điều, diăn 點: điểm; shāo 燒: (thiêu)='đốt'... ]	****** earth, soil, dust, land, ground, clay. Also: items made of earth, homemade, local, indigenous, unrefined, crude opium
đềnđài	[ Vh @ M 殿堂  diàn​táng (SV điệnđường) [ Vh @ M 殿堂 diàn​táng | M 殿 diàn (SV điện, điến) < MC den, ten < OC *tɯːns, *dɯːns || M 堂 táng < MC daŋ < OC *da:ŋ || Handian: 宮殿；高大 堂屋。 戰國楚宋玉《神女賦》：“步裔裔兮曜殿堂。” 《三國志·魏志·鍾毓傳》：“夫策貴廟勝，功尚帷幄，不下殿堂之上，而決胜千里之外。” ]	**** temple hall, palace, temple buildings
đéo	[ Vh @ M 屌 diǎo (鳥 diăo) ~ (phonetic) M 吊 (弔) (điếu, đích) diāo, diào < MC tiew < OC *tiːwɢ, *tiːwɢs  | ¶ /d- ~ c-(k-)/ | Dialects: Cant. diu2, Hakka diau3 | Kangxi: 《字彙》丁了切，貂上聲。男子隂。《正字通》此爲方俗語，史傳皆作勢。| || Handian: ◎ 屌 diǎo 〈名〉 男性外生殖器。又用於罵人的粗話。 || Example: 老舍《茶館》: 屌! 揍他個小舅子. Lǎo Shě “Cháguǎn” : Diǎo! Zòu tā gè xiǎojìuzi. (Lão Xá, “Quánchè”: ' Đéo! Tao để cho mầy mộtcái chếtchamầy!') = "Lao She -- 'Teahouse': Damn! Beat up his brother-in-law!", 屌 妳 老母 骸. Diăo nǐ lăomǔ hái. (Đéomẹ mầy.) = "Mother fucker!" ]	**** penis, male genital, male genitalia, Also:, (Cant.), obscene exclamation, fuck,
đẽo	[ Vh @ M 錭 (彫) diāo, táo < MC daw < OC *duːw | *OC 錭 周 幽 陶 duːw | PNH: QĐ diu1, Hẹ tiau1 | Shuowen: 《金部》錭：鈍也。从金周聲。| Kangxi: 《康熙字典·金部·八》錭：《唐韻》《集韻》𠀤徒刀切，音陶。《說文》鈍也。《集韻》或作鋾。又《集韻》都勞切，音刀。義同。又《正韻》與雕同。《荀子·富國篇》必將錭琢刻鏤，黼黻文章，以塞其目。 | Guangyun: 錭 陶 徒刀 定 豪 豪 平聲 一等 開口 豪 效 下平六豪 dʱɑu dɑu dɑu dɑu dɑu dɑu daw tao2 dau dau 錭鈍也 || ZYYY: 彫 刁 端 蕭豪開二 蕭豪 陰平 開口呼 tau || Môngcổ tựvận: dÿaw tjɛw 平聲 || Example: 他 用 刀 錭 了 一個 獅子 的 形狀 在 石頭 上. Tā yòng dāo diāo le yīgè shīzi de xíngzhuàng zài shítou shàng. (Anhấy dùng dao để khắc hình dáng một con sưtử lên tảngđá.) = He used a knife to carve the shape of a lion onto the stone." ]	****** chisel, decorate, emaciated, carve, engrave, carved, engraved
đũa	[ Vh @ M 箸 zhù, zhú, zhuó, zhuò (SV trợ, chừ, trừ) < MC ɖɨə̆ < OC *tas, *das, | *OC (1) 箸 者 魚 著 tas , (2) 同著 箸 者 魚 箸 das | Pt 遲倨, 陟慮 | PNH: QĐ zyu3, zyu6, Hẹ cu5, Hai. /duə/ | Shuowen: 飯攲也。从竹者聲。陟慮切。又，遟倨切 | Kangxi: 〔古文〕𣥧《廣韻》遲倨切《集韻》《韻會》遲據切《正韻》治據切，𠀤音宁。匙箸，飯具。《禮·曲禮》飯黍毋以箸。《史記註》箸卽筯也。 又與櫡同。 《史記·絳侯世家》景帝召條侯食，獨置大胾，無切肉，又不置櫡。 《註》櫡，《漢書》作箸，食所用也。 《嶺表錄》南海岸邊沙中生沙箸，一名越王竹，相傳越王棄餘算而生，若細荻，高尺餘，春吐苗，箕心茗骨，靑而且勁。南海人愛其色，以爲酒籌。凡欲採者，須輕步向前拔之，聞行聲，遽縮入沙中不可得。 | Guangyun: (1) 箸 著 陟慮 知 魚 御 去聲 三等 開口 魚 遇 去九御 ȶi̯wo ȶĭo ȶiɔ ȶiɔ ʈɨʌ ʈiɔ ʈɨə̆ zhu4 trioh tivh 上同 , (2) 箸 箸 遟倨 澄 魚 御 去聲 三等 開口 魚 遇 去九御 ȡʱi̯wo ȡĭo ȡiɔ ȡiɔ ɖɨʌ ɖiɔ ɖɨə̆ zhu4 drioh divh 匙箸遟倨切四 || ZYYY: (1) 著 注 照 魚模撮 魚模 去聲 撮口呼 tʂiu 著 著 照 蕭豪齊二 蕭豪 入聲作平聲 齊齒呼 tʂiau , (3) 著 著 照 歌戈開 歌戈 入聲作平聲 開口呼 tʂɔ || Môngcổ tựvận: cÿu dʐy 去聲 || Starostin: Also read *tras, MC t.o\ (FQ 陟慮 id. The character is attested in Xunzi as a substitute of 著 'clear' q.v. Viet. đũa is an old loanword ( > Han *d.(y\)a); regular Sino-Viet. is chừ. ]^{ | Example: 箸 是 越南 傳統 飯桌 上 必不可少 的 用具. Zhù shì Yuènán chuántǒng fànzhuō shàng bìbùkěshǎo de yòngjù. (Đũa là dụngcụ khôngthểthiếu trên bànăn truyềnthống của Việtnam.) ("Chopsticks are indispensable utensils on traditional Vietnamese dining tables."), Cf. 筷子. kuàìzi. (đôiđũa.)  ]	****** chopsticks
đừnghòng	甭想 béngxiăng (SV bằngtưởng) [ Vh @# QT 甭想 béngxiăng \ Vh @ 想 xiăng ~ 'hòng' || M 想 xiăng < MC sjɑŋ < OC *saŋʔ || Handian: ◎ 甭 béng “不用” 的 合音 (一般 認為 是 方言詞), 相當 於 “不用”, “不要”。]	****** don't you ever think of, do not expect
gánh	[ Vh @ M 扛 káng, gāng < MC kaɨwŋ < OC *kroːŋ | *OC 扛 工 東 江 kroːŋ | Dialect: Cant. gong1, kong1 | Shuowen: 《手部》扛：橫關 對 舉 也。从 手 工 聲。| Kangxi: 《康熙字典·手部·三》扛：《唐韻》《集韻》《韻會》𠀤古雙切，音杠。《說文》橫關對舉也。《史記·項羽紀》籍長八尺餘，力能扛鼎。《韓愈·贈張籍詩》龍文百斛鼎，筆力可獨扛。又《集韻》《正韻》𠀤居郞切，音岡。亦舉也。與掆同。或作抗。又《集韻》虎項切。與𢴦同。荷擔也。詳𢴦字註。《韻會》通作𢱫。| Guangyun: 扛 江 古雙 見 江 江 平聲 二等 開口 江 江 上平四江 kɔŋ kɔŋ kɔŋ kɔŋ kɣʌŋ kɯɔŋ kaɨwŋ jiang1 krung keong 舉鼎≆說文云扛横關對舉也秦武王與孟≆說扛龍文之鼎脱臏而死  || Example: 扛水 澆菜. Kángshuǐ jiāocài. (Gánhnước tướirau.) = "carry water to irrigate vegetables" ]	****** roasted chicken, broiled chicken, roast chicken, broil chicken*** carry on shoulders, bear on the shoulders
giàgiặn	(1) giàgiặn, (2) dạndày [ Vh @ 經驗  jīngyàn (SV kinhnghiệm) || M  經 jīng < MC kɛjŋ < OC *ke:ŋ, *keːŋs || M 驗 yàn < MC ŋiam < OC *ŋiam, *ŋrams ]	**** experience, experience, draft, knowledge, lesson, moxie, proof, practice, spin, taste
gàquay	[ Vh @# M 烤鷄 kăojī (SV khảokê) \ Vh @ 烤 kăo ~ quay, @ 鷄 jī ~ 'gà' || M 烤 kǎo < MC kʰaw < OC *kʰluːʔ || M 雞 (鷄) jī < MC kiej < OC *ke: || Example: Cf. 烤鴨 kǎoyā (vịtquay) = "roasted duck" 講雞, 講鴨, 講鵝 jiǎngjī jiǎngyā jiǎng'é (nóigà ,nóivịt, nóingang.) = "talk chickens, talk ducks, and talk geese." ]	**** roast chicken, broiled chicken
gả	[ Vh @ M 嫁 jià (SV giá) < 嫁 jià < MC ka < OC *kra:s | *OC 嫁 家 魚 駕 kraːs | Dialects: Cant. gaa3, Hakka ga5, Chewchow gê3 | Tang reconstruction: gà | Shuowen: 《女部》嫁：女適人也。从女家聲。| Guangyun: 嫁 駕 古訝 見 麻二開 禡 去聲 二等 開口 麻 假 去四十禡 ka ka ka ka kɣa kɯa kaɨ jia4 krah keah 家也故婦人謂嫁曰歸 || ZYYY: 嫁 駕 見 家麻齊 家麻 去聲 齊齒呼 kia || Starostin: to marry. A derivate from 家 *krā q.v. Regular Sino-Viet. is giá. | ¶ /j- ~ l-/ ]^{ | Example: 父母 希望 把 女兒 嫁 給 一個 有 前途 的 年輕人. Fùmǔ xīwàng bǎ nǚ'ér jià gěi yīgè yǒu qiántú de niánqīngrén. (Chamẹ mongmuốn gả congái cho một chàngtrai có tươnglai.) = "The parents hope to marry their daughter to a promising young man." ]	****** give a daughter in marriage, marry a husband, marry,
gỏi	[ Vh @ M 膾 (鱠) kuài < MC kwaj < OC *kobs | Dialects: Cant. kui2, Hakka kwai2 | Shuowen: 細切肉也。从肉會聲。古外切 | Kangxi: 《唐韻》《集韻》《韻會》《正韻》𠀤古外切，音儈。《玉篇》肉細切者爲膾。《釋名》膾，會也。細切肉令散，分其赤白異切之，已，乃會合和之也。《韻會》 肉腥細者爲膾，大者爲軒。《禮·曲禮》膾炙處外。　又《博雅》膾，割也。 又《廣韻》魚膾。《詩·小雅》炰龞膾鯉。 又《韻會》國名。堯欲伐宗膾。宗膾， 小蕃國。　《集韻》或从魚。鱠。| Guangyun: 膾 儈 古外 見 泰合 泰 去聲 一等 合口 泰 蟹 去十四泰 kuɑi kuɑi kuɑi kuɑi kuɑi kʷɑi kwaj kui4 kuad kuay 魚膾 說文 曰 細切肉 也 || Example: 《論語 · 鄉黨》: 食不厭精, 膾不厭細. 'Lùnyǔ -- Xiāngdǎng': Shíbùyànjīng, kuàibùyànxì. ('Luậnngữ -- Hươngđảng': Xôi vịtinh đâu ngán, gỏi thịtbằm sao chê!) = " 'The Analects - Township Party': Appreciating well-prepared and refined food." ]	****** mince food, minced meat, minced vegetable, chopped meat, chopped fish. Also: mixed minced salad with meat,
gâyra	[ Vh @ M 誘發 yòu​fā​ (SV dụphát) || M 誘 yǒu, yòu < MC juw < OC *luʔ || M 發 fā, fă, fà, bō, fèi < MC puat < OC *pad || Guoyu Cidian: 誘發 yòufā (1) 誘導 啟發 的 簡稱。 如：「老師利用動畫和彩圖誘發學生的學習興趣。」 , (2) 導致 發生。 || Example: 多變 的 天氣 容易 誘發 感冒. Duōbiàn de tiānqì róngyì yòufā gǎnmào. (Thờitiết thayđổi thấtthường dễ gâyra cảmlạnh.) = "Unstable weather easily induces colds."), 壓力 過大 可能 誘發 心臟病. Yālì guòdà kěnéng yòufā xīnzàngbìng. (Áplực quá lớn cóthể gâyra bệnhtim.) = "Excessive stress may trigger heart disease." ]	*** cause, bring about, induce, incite.
ghêtởm	(1) óimữa, (2) nhờmtởm, (3) gớmghiếc, (4) ghêtởm 噁心 ěxīn (ốtâm) [ Viet. 'tởm' <~ 'ghêtởm' ~ Vh @ QT 噁心 ěxīn \ Vh @ 噁 ě ~ gớm, @ 心 xīn ~ tởm | M 噁 ě, è, wù, wū (ác, ố, ô) ~ ht. QT 惡 è, ě, wù, wū (ác, ố, ô) < MC ʔʌk < OC *ʔa:k || M 心 xīn < MC sjɔm < OC *sjɔm || Handian: (1) 形容使人討厭到了極點。 《紅樓夢》第六回：“這話沒的叫人噁心！”《儒林外史》第二二回：“不要噁心！我家也不希罕這樣老爺！” 巴金《探索集·“腹地”》：“我已經看透了那些美麗辭藻裝飾的謊言，忽然感到一陣噁心。” (2) 想要嘔吐的感覺。 明 馮惟敏《僧尼共犯》第二折：“但聞著葷酒氣兒，就頭疼噁心。” 《儒林外史》第六回：“ 嚴貢生坐在船上，忽然一時頭暈上來，兩眼昏花，口裡作噁心，噦出許多清痰來。” (3) 壞念頭。 曹禺《原野》第二幕：“你－－你怎麼這麼待我？你怎麼噁心做出這樣的事情。” ]	**** nausea, feel sick, disgust, nauseating, want to throw up, disgust, hate, loathe, Also:, bad habit, vicious habit, vicious, vice
ghêrợn	(1) rợnngười, (2) rùngrợn, (3) ghêrợn  嚇人  xiàrén (háchnhân) [ Vh @# M 嚇人 xiàrén \ Vh @ 嚇 xià ~ 'ghê', @ 人 rén ~ rợn | M 嚇 xià, hè < MC xja, xjak < OC *xaɨ, *xaɨk || M 人 rén < MC ɲin < OC *nin ]	*** be frightening, terrifying, frightening, scary.   {ID453108996}
ghẽ	(1) giai, (2) ghẽ 疥 jiè (giai) [ Vh @ M 疥 jiè < MC kaj < OC *krets | Shuowen: 搔也。从疒介聲。 古拜 切 | Kangxi: 《唐韻》《集韻》《韻會》《正韻》𠀤居拜切，音戒。《說文》瘙也。《廣韻》瘡疥。《釋名》疥，齘 也。 癢搔之齒䫴齘也。《禮·月令》仲冬行春令，民多疥癘。《周禮·天官·疾醫》夏時有痒疥之疾。《疏》四月純陽，五月隂起，惟水沴火，為甲疥，有甲。故有疥痒疾。《後漢·鮮卑傳》蔡邕議邊垂之患，手足之疥瘙，中國之困，胷背之瘭疽。。《史記·酈生陸賈傳》酈食其子酈疥數將兵。《前漢·功臣表》〈扌㝁〉頃侯溫疥。　又與痎同。兩日一發瘧也。《左傳·昭二十年》齊侯疥遂痁。《釋文》疥，舊音戒。梁元帝音該，依字則當作痎。說文云：兩日一發瘧也。詳後痎字注。　《類篇》或 作 𤸋蚧。 ]	**** itching sore, scrab, scabies, itch, scabby disease, mite
giandối	(1) xảotrá, (2) dốitrá, (3) giandối [ Vh @# M 狡詐 jiăozhà (SV giảotrá) \ Vh @ 狡 jiăo ~ dối, giả 假 jiă, @ 詐 zhà ~ gian 姦 jiān | M 狡 jiăo < MC kaw < OC *krawʔ || M QT 詐 zhà, zhă < MC tʂaɨ < OC *ʔsraːɡs || Example: 特朗普 的 狡詐 行為 讓 人 感到 厭惡 和 不安. Tèlángpǔ de jiǎozhà xíngwéi ràng rén gǎndào yànwù hé bù'ān. (Hànhvi xảotrá của Trôn khiến ngườita cảmthấy ghétbỏ và bấtan.) = "Trump's cunning behavior made people feel disgusted and uneasy."]	*** craft, cunning, deceitful, sly, artful, adroit, insidious, vicious, deceitful
giãtừ	(1) từgiã, (2) giãtừ [ Vh @# M 辭行 cíxíng (SV từhành) \ Vh @ 行 xíng ~ 'giã' || M 行 xíng, xìng, háng, hàng, héng (hành, hạnh, hàng, hạng) < MC ɦaɨjŋ, ɦaŋ < OC *ga:ŋ, *ga:ŋs, *gra:ŋ, *gra:ŋs || Guoyu Cidian: 辭行 cíxíng 遠行 前向 親友 告別。 《史記．卷一二O．汲黯傳》：「黯既辭行，過大行李息。」,《官話 指南．卷二．官商 吐屬》：「也 就是 這 三五 天 就 起身 了，今兒 個 是 特意 來 見 兄臺 辭行。」 || Example: 她 在 辭行 時 留下 了 一封 信. 表達 了 自己 的 心情. Tā zài cíxíng shí liúxià le yīfēng xìn, biǎodá le zìjǐ de xīnqíng. (Côấy đã để lại một bứcthư khi từgiã, bày tỏ cảmxúc của mình.) = "She left a letter during her farewell, expressing her feelings." ]	**** say good-bye, bid farewell, leave taking
giấugiếm	[ Vh @ M 隱瞞 yǐnmán \ Nh @ 隱 yǐn ~ 'giấu', @ 滿 mán ~ 'giếm' || M 隱 yǐn, yìn, shuì, zhuì < MC ʔyn, ʔɨn < OC *qɯnʔ, *qɯns || M 瞞 mán (man, môn) < MC mo:n < OC *mwan || Example: 隱瞞 事實 只 會 讓 情況 變得 更 糟. Yǐnmán shìshí zhǐ huì ràng qíngkuàng biànde gèng zāo. (Chegiấu sựthật chỉ khiến tìnhtrạng trởnên càng tồitệ.) = "Hiding the facts will only make the situation worse." ]	**** hide, hidden, secret, conceal, cover up, concealed, behind the scene, cheat, lie, betray.
giỡnchơi	(1) chơigiỡn, (2) giỡnchơi [ Vh @# QT 玩耍 wánshuă (SV ngoạnsoạ) \ Vh @ 耍 shuă ~ 'chơi', @ 玩 wán ~ 'giỡn' | ¶ /w- ~ gi-/ || QT 玩 (翫) wán, wàn < MC ŋwan < OC *ŋoːns || QT 耍 shuă, shuá (soạ, sái) < MC ʂua < OC *sqʰʷraːʔ || Handian: ◎ 玩耍 wánshuǎ 做 輕鬆 愉快 的 活動; 遊戲. ]^{ | Example: 孩子們 在 大樹 下 玩耍. Háizimen zài dàshù xià wánshuǎ. (Bọntrẻcon chơigiỡn dưới tàngcây cổthụ.) = "The children are playing under the big tree." ]	**** play, have fun,
haydùng	[ Vh @ M 好用  hǎo​yòng​ (SV hảodụng) || M 好 hǎo, hào (SV hảo, háo, hiếu) < MC haw < OC *qʰuːʔ, *qʰuːs  || M 用 yòng < MC juawŋ < OC *loŋs ]	****** useful, serviceable, effective, handy, easy to use
hènmọn	(1) bầnhèn, (2) hènmọn  貧賤  pín​jiàn​ (bầntiện) [ Vh @# M 貧賤 pín​jiàn \ Vh @ 貧 pín ~ nghèo { ® <~ 貧窮 pínqióng (bầncùng) }​ | M 貧 pín < MC bin < OC *bhrjən || M 賤 jiàn < MC tʒjen < OC *tʒhenʔs ]	**** poor and lowly, underwork, lowly.
hếtmình	[ Vh @ 效命 x iàomìng (SV hiệumệnh) \ Vh @ 效 xiào ~ 'hết' | M 效 (効) xiào < MC ɠaw < OC *ɡreːws, *gra:ws || M 命 mìng (mệnh, mạng) < MC miajŋ < OC *mreŋs || Handian: 效命 xiàomìng 捨命 報效。 《史記·魏公子列傳》： “今 公子 有急， 此乃臣 效命 之 秋 也。 ” 三國 魏 曹植 《求自試表》： “竊不自量， 志 在 效命， 庶 立 毛髮 之 功， 以 報 所受 之 恩。” || Example: 他們 為了 理想 效命，毫不 畏懼 困難 和 挑戰. Tāmen wèile lǐxiǎng xiàomìng, háobù wèijù kùnnán hé tiǎozhàn. (Họ hếtmình vì lýtưởng, khônghề esợ khókhăn và thửthách.) = "They dedicated their lives to their ideals, fearless of difficulties and challenges." ]	**** dedicate oneself, go all out to serve somebody regardless of the consequences
hùavào	[ Vh @# M 附和 fù​hè (SV phụhoạ) || M 附 fù < MC bɨo < OC *bos || M 和 hé, huō, huò, huó, hú, hè, he, hàn (SV hoà, hoạ, hồ) < MC ɦwa < OC *go:l, *ɡoːls ]	**** chime in with, repeat what others say, parrot, crib, copy somebody's action or words, echo. Also: trail somebody's footsteps, copycat
hứahẹn	[ Vh @# M 應許 yìngxǔ (SV ứnghứa) \ Vh @ 應 yìng ~ 'nên', 'rằng' | ¶ /y- ~ n-/ || M 應 yìng, yīng < MC ʔɨŋ < OC *qɯŋ, *qɯŋs || M 許 xǔ, hǔ, xū (hứa, hử, hổ) < MC hɨə̆ < OC *hŋaʔ ]^{ | Example: 他 應許 幫助 我們 解決 問題. Tā yīngxǔ bāngzhù wǒmen jiějué wèntí. (Anhấy hứahẹn giúpđỡ chúngtôi giảiquyết vấnđề.) = "He promised to help us solve the problem." ]	*** promise, agree, Also: allow, permit
hôn	(1) mồm, (2) hôn  吻  wěn (SV vẫn) [ Vh @ M 吻 (脗) wěn < MC mǘn, mun < OC *mhǝnʔ, *mɯnʔ | Pulleyblank: LM ʋyun < EM *ʋun, *mun | Dialects: Cant. man5, Hakka wut7 | Shuowen: 口邊 也。 从口 勿聲。， 吻 或 从 肉 从 昬。 武粉切。 清代 段玉裁 『說文解字注』 口邊也。 曲禮注云。 口旁 曰咡。 廣雅云。 咡 謂 之 吻。 考工記。 銳喙， 決吻。鄭曰。 吻，口腃也。 釋名曰。 吻， 免也 (/miệng/)。 抆 也 (/mồm/)。卷也。从口。勿聲。武粉切。 十三部。 勿聲 在 十五 部。 合韵 也。| Guangyun: 吻 吻 武粉 明 文 吻 上聲 三等 合口 文 臻 上十八吻 mi̯uən mĭuən miuən miuən mɨun miun mun wen3 myonx miuun 口吻武粉切七 || ZYYY: 吻 刎 微 真文開 真文 上聲 開口呼 ʋən || Mongolian phonology: khun wun ʋun 上聲 || Starostin: corner of lips, shut the lips (LZ) | ¶ /w- ~ h-/: Ex. 問 wèn (vấn) = "hỏi", 舞 wǔ (vũ) = "múa" ănkhớp ]	*** kiss, shut the lips, mouth, lips, corner of lips, kiss. Also: top, peak, beak, muzzle.
hưhại	[ Vh @ M 腐敗 fǔbài (SV hủbại) || M 腐 fǔ < MC buə̆ < OC *boʔ || M 敗 bài < MC bɯai, pɯai < OC *bra:ds, *pra:ds || Guoyu Cidian: 腐敗 fǔbài (1) 腐爛 敗壞。《漢書．卷二四．食貨志上》：「太倉之粟陳陳相因，充溢露積於外，腐敗不可食。」, (2) 思想行為頹喪不振。 如：「他因結交惡友，生活日趨腐敗墮落。」,(3) 政治腐化，社會風氣敗壞。《文明小史》第四七回：「諸事文明，斷非中國腐敗可比。」|| Example: 食物 因 炎熱 而 腐敗, 無法 再 食用. Shíwù yīn yánrè ér fǔbài, wúfǎ zài shíyòng. (Thứcăn vì nắngnóng bị hưhại, không ănđược nữa.) = "The food decayed due to the heat and could no longer be eaten.", 這 棟 房子 因 年久 失修 而 開始 腐敗. Zhè dòng fángzi yīn niánjǐu shīxīu ér kāishǐ fǔbài. (Ngôinhà này vì lâunăm khôngđược sửachữa nên bắtđầu hưhại.) = This house began to decay due to years of neglect." ]	**** get spoiled, spoilt, rotten, rot, deprave, decay, decayed, deteriorated, Also: corrupt, degeneration, corruption, putrefaction
huông	(1) huông, (2) xui [ Vh @ M 凶 (兇) xiōng < MC huawŋ < OC *qʰoŋ | *OC 凶 凶 東 胷 qʰoŋ | PNH: QĐ hung1 | Tang reconstruction: xiong | Shuowen: 《凶部》凶：惡也。象地穿交陷其中也。凡凶之屬皆从凶。 | Kangxi: 《康熙字典·凵部·二》凶：〔古文〕𣧑《唐韻》《正韻》許容切《集韻》《韻會》虛容切，𠀤音胷。《說文》象地穿交陷其中。《徐曰》惡不可居。象地之塹也，惡可陷人也。《爾雅·釋詁》咎也。《疏》謂咎惡也。又《玉篇》短折也。又與忷通。《集韻》憂懼。《晉語》敵入而凶。《註》凶猶凶凶，恐懼。亦作兇。《說文》擾恐也。又叶虛王切，貺平聲。《東方朔·七諫》業失之而不救兮，尚何論乎禍凶。彼離畔而朋黨兮，獨行之士其何望。 | Guangyun: 凶 胷 許容 曉 鍾 鍾 平聲 三等 開口 鍾 通 上平三鍾 xi̯woŋ xĭwoŋ xioŋ xioŋ hɨoŋ hioŋ huawŋ xiong1 hyung xivng 凶禍 || ZYYY: 凶 凶 曉 東鍾撮 東鍾 陰平 撮口呼 xiuŋ || Starostin be inauspicious, baleful, bad Viet. giông is colloquial (with a somewhat strange initial reflex). Another colloquial loan is huông 'run of ill-luck'. Regular Sino-Viet. is hung. | PNH : Bk: ʂyŋ 1, Tn1: ʂyŋ11, Ta : ʂyŋ11, Tn : ʂyŋ1, Hk : ʂioŋ11, Tx : ʂyoŋ11, Dc : ʂiouŋ11, Tc : ʂioŋ11, Ôc : ʂyo 11, Ts : ʂioŋ11, Sp: ʂin11, Nx : ʂiuŋ11, Hẹ : hiuŋ11, QÐ : huŋ11, Hm : hioŋ11, Trc : hioŋ11, Pk : xyŋ11 || Example: 凶信. xiōngxìn. (tinbuồn.) = "bad news", 逢凶化吉. féngxiōnghuàjí. (Gặpxuihoámay.) = "turn misfortune into blessing", 此 是 習家 凶宅, 人 不 敢居. Cǐ shì Xí jiā xiōngzhái, rén bù gǎn jū, (Đâylà cănhà bị huông nhà họ Tạp, chẳng ai dám ở.) = "This is the Xí family's ominous house; no one dares to live there." ]	****, culprit, bad luck, run of ill-luck, inauspicious, bad omen, baleful, bad, fierce, terrible, ominous, cruel, ferocious, vicious, murder,
khiêng	(1) khiêng, (2) kín [ Vh @ M 掮 qián​ < MC kien, ɠien < OC *gren | *OC 掮 肩 元 乾 ɡren 𠢍今字 | PNH: QĐ kin4, Hẹ gien1, ken2 || Handian: ◎ 掮 qián〈動〉(1)〈方〉∶ 把東西放在肩上運走. 只見外邊有人掮了一卷行李。 ——《老殘遊記》 , (2) 又如: 掮鷹放鷂 (喻指不務正業的紈褲惡少的行經); 掮洋錢 (比喻墊錢。 指舊時妓院中的娘姨、大姐借錢給妓女) || CText.org: 《西遊記》: 話表牛魔王趕上孫大聖，只見他肩膊上掮著那柄芭蕉扇，怡顏悅色而行。 , 《儒林外史》: 將掌扇掮起來，四個戴紅黑帽子的開道，來富跟著轎，一直來到周家。 || Example: 掮 著 沉重 的 貨物, 他 走過 了 長長 的 山路. Qián zhe chénzhòng de huòwù, tā zǒuguò le chángcháng de shānlù. (Khiêng hànghóa nặng nề, anhấy đã điqua con đườngnúi dài.) "Carrying heavy goods, he walked through the long mountain path." ]	**** carry on shoulders, bear on the shoulders
khiếnchết	[ Vh @ M 欠揍 qiàn​zòu (SV khiếmtấu) \ Vh @ 欠 qiàn ~ 'khiến', @ 揍 zòu ~ 'chết' || M 欠 qiàn < MC kʰɨam < OC *kʰoms || M 揍 zòu < MC tsəw < OC *ʔsoːs || Example: 他 總是尋 隙 找茬，我 看 就是 欠揍. Tā zǒng shì xúnxì zhǎochá, wǒ kàn jìushì qiànzòu. (Nó lúcnào cũa muốn kiếmchuyến, tao thấy nó khiếnchết.) = "He’s always looking for trouble and picking fights. I think he’s just asking for a beating." ]	**** need a spanking, ask for a beating, asshole
khoáikhẩu​	[ Vh @ M 可口 kě​kǒu​ (SV khảkhẩu)  ||  M 可口 kě​kǒu​ || M 可 kě, kè (khả, khắc) < MC kʰa < OC *kʰaːlʔ  || Example: 鮮味可口 xiānwèikěkǒu (mónngonkhoáikhẩu) = "delicious and tasty", Cf. 合口 hé​kǒu​ (hạpkhẩu) = "palatable" ]	**** delicious, tasty, taste good, good to eat, palatable
làmviệc	[ Vh @ M 幹活  gànhuó (SV cánhoạt) \ Vh @ Vh @ 幹 gàn ~'làm', @ 活 huó ~ 'việc' | ¶ /hw- ~ v-/ | M  幹 gàn, gān, guăn, hán < MC kan < OC *kans || M 活 huó, guō (hoạt, quạt) < MC kwat < OC *ko:d, *go:d| || Example: 這些 工人 在 工地 上 幹活, 汗流浹背.  Zhèxiē gōngrén zài gōngdì shàng gànhuó, hànliújiābèi. (Những côngnhân này làmviệc trên côngtrường, mồhôinhễnhại.) = "These workers are laboring on the construction site, drenched in sweat." ]	**** work, labor, earn a living
láucá	(1) xỏlá, (2) láucá [ Vh @# M 狡賴 jiǎo​lài (SV xảolại) || M 狡 jiăo < MC kaw < OC *krawʔ || M 賴 (頼) lài, lái < MC laj < OC *ra:ds || Handian: 狡辯 抵賴。 《三俠五義》第七十回：“﹝ 金令﹞以為他必狡賴，再用字柬衣衫鞋襪質證。誰知小子不禁打，十個嘴巴，他就通説了。” 崑曲《十五貫​​·審鼠》：“只因怕婁阿鼠狡賴， 秦古心自願前來做證。” ]^{ | Example: 他 的 行為 是 狡賴 的, 試圖 掩蓋 真相. Tā de xíngwéi shì jiǎolài de, shìtú yǎngài zhēnxiàng. (Hànhvi của nó thật láucá với ýđồ chegiấu sựthật.) = "He slyly denied his actions and tried to cover up the truth." ]	*** deny (by resorting to sophistry), deny (through sophism), deny (by using specious argument), cunningly disavow, the act of cunningly denying or disavowing responsibility, often with a sly or deceptive approach
lấmmưa	[ Vh @ M 淋雨 línyǔ (SV lâmvũ) \ Vh @ 淋 lín ~ 'lấm' || M 淋 lín, lìn < MC liɪm < OC *ɡ·rɯm, *ɡ·rɯms || M 雨 (𠕒, 𠕘, 𠕲, 𩁼, 㲾) yǔ, yù (vũ, vù) < MC ɦuə̆ < OC *ɢʷaʔ, *ɢʷaʔs || Example: 他 在 回家 的 路上 淋雨 了，衣服 全部 濕透. Tā zài huíjiā de lùshàng línyǔ le, yīfú quánbù shītòu. (Anhấy bị lấmmưa trên đường về nhà, quầnáo ướt sũng.) = "He got drenched in the rain on his way home, and his clothes were completely soaked." ]	*** get wet in the rain, weather in the rain, rain-soaked, take a shower in the rain
khinhrẻ	(1) khinhmiệt, (2) khinhrẻ 輕蔑 qīngmiè (SV khinhmiệt) [ Vh @# M 輕蔑 qīngmiè \ Vh @ 蔑 miè ~ 'rẻ' | M 輕 qīng, qìng (khinh, khánh) < MC kʰiajŋ < OC *kʰeŋ, *kʰeŋs || M 蔑 miè < MC met < OC *me:d | ¶ /m- ~ r-/ || Example: Cf.他的 言語 和 行為 顯得 非常 輕蔑. Pinyin: Tā de yányǔ hé xíngwéi xiǎnde fēicháng qīngmiè. (Lờinói và hànhvi của anhấy tỏra rất nhângnháo.) = "His words and actions appeared very disdainful." ]	**** look down upon, disdain, despise, contempt
khoatruơngkhoáclác	高談闊論  gāo​tán​kuò​lùn​ (SV caođàmkhoátluận) [ Vh @# M 高談闊論 gāo​tán​kuò​lùn​ \ Vh @ 高談 gāo​tán ~ 'khoatrương' 誇張 kuāzhāng | M 高 gāo, gào < MC kaw < OC *ka:w || M 談 tán < MC dam < OC *l'aːm || M 闊 kuò, yù < MC kʰwat < OC *kʰoːd || M 論 lùn, lún < MC-lwən, lɔn, lwin < OC *run, *ru:n, *ru:ns ]	*** (idiomatic), indulge in loud and empty talk, talk volubly or bombastically, talk in a lofty strain, talk off the top of one’s head, speechify, loud arrogant talk, harangue, spout
lo-nghĩ	(1) longhĩ, (2) âulo [ Vh @ M 憂慮 yōulǜ (SV ưulự) \ Vh @ 憂 yōu ~ 'nghĩ', (tl.) 慮 lǜ (lo) || M 憂 (忧) yōu < MC ʔuw < OC *qu || M 慮 lǜ < MC liɔ < OC *ras || Example: Cf. 生年 不滿 百, 常 懷 千歲 憂 Shēngnián bùmǎn bǎi, cháng huái qiānsuì yōu. (Nămsống chưađủ trăm, sao mãi nghĩ chuyện ngànnăm.) = "one's lifespan rarely reaches a hundred years, yet people often carry worries as if they were to live for a thousand years." ]	****** worry, be worried, anxious, anxiety, concerned
lướtqua	(1) lướtqua, (2) liếcqua [ Vh @ 掠過 lüèguò (SV lượcquá)  || M 掠 lüè, liàng, lùn ~ M 掠 (略) lüè, liàng, lùn < MC liak, lɨaŋ < OC *graɡ, *graŋs || M 過 guō, guò, huò (qua, quá) < MC kwa < OC *klo:l, *klo:ls ]^{ | Example:  隨 浮雲 掠過. Suí fúyún lüèguò. (Theo mâybay lướtqua.) = "Drifting past like floating clouds.", 隨 浮雲 掠過 的 是 我們 最 美好 的 回憶. Suí fúyún lüèguò de shì wǒmen zuì měihǎo de huíyì. (Những kỷniệm đẹpnhất của chúngta lướtqua như mâybay.)  = "Drifting past like floating clouds are our most beautiful memories." ]	******, flit across, sweep past, sweep across, skim over, flash across, fleet, dash, flash, move across, Also: (strike at an angle), glance,
làmbiếng	(1) làmbiếng, (2) lườibiếng 懶放 lănfàng SV lãnphóng) [ Vh @# M 懶放 lănfàng \ Vh @ 放 fàng ~ biếng | M 懶 (嬾) lăn (lãn, lại) < MC lan < OC *raːnʔ || M 放 fàng < MC pwoŋ < OC *paŋs | ¶ /f- ~ b- /: Ex. 房 fáng (SV phòng) = 'buồng' (room) || Handian: 懶放 lănfàng 懶散 放浪。 唐 白居易《效陶潛體詩》序：“往往 酣醉，終日不醒，懶放 之 心，彌覺 自得。 ” || Example 寒 來 彌 懶放，數日 一 梳頭. Táng -- Bái Jūyí -- Shìyì. Shī Zhī Yī: Hán lái mí lănfàng, shù rì yī shǔtóu. (Trời cóng nên lườibiếng, đôi ngày mới chảiđầu.), Cf. 放懶 fànglăn (biếnglười) = "lazy" ]	****** lazy, idle, languid, listless, faineant, indolent, slothful, sluggish, untidy, unwilling to work,
lậnđận	(1) laođao, (2) lậnđận [ Vh @ M 潦倒 liáodǎo SV laođảo, lảođảo) || M 潦 liáo, lăo, lào < MC law < OC *reːwʔ, *re:ws || M 倒 dăo, dào, chéng < MC taw < OC *taw:ʔ, *taws || Guoyu Cidian: 潦倒 liáodǎo (1) 不得志、失意。 如：「要不是 年輕時 太過 放蕩，現今 的 他 怎會 這般 窮困潦倒? 」唐．杜甫〈登高〉詩：「艱難苦恨繁霜鬢，潦倒新停濁酒杯。」, (2) 放蕩 不羈。《紅樓夢》第三回：「潦倒不通世務，愚頑怕讀文章。 行為偏僻性乖張，那管世人誹謗。」, (3) 腳步 不穩。《幼學瓊林．卷二．老壽幼誕類》：「龍鍾潦倒，年高之狀。」 ]^{ | Example: 貧困潦倒. pínkùnliáodăo. (bầncùnglậnđận.) = "poverty-stricken", 四十 年 情感 潦倒. Sìshí nián qínggǎn liáodǎo. (Bốnmươi năm tình lậnđận.) = "Forty years of vicissitudes of love.", 兩年 潦倒 的 愛情 Liǎng nián liáodǎo de àiqíng. (Hainăm Tình Lậnđận.) = "Two years of emotional inharmony."]	****  hardship, enduring, endure hardship, out of luck, out of touch with reality
lợn	[ Vh @ M 彖 tuàn (SV thoán) < MC thwan, tʰwan < OC *lwanh, *hljelʔ, *l̥ʰoːns, *l̥ʰoːns | Dialects: Cant. teon3, teon5, Hakka chon5 | Shuowen: 豕也。从彑从豕。 讀若弛。 式視切 〖注〗𧰲。 | Kangxi: 《唐韻》通貫切《集韻》《韻會》土玩切《正韻》吐玩切，𠀤湍去聲。 又《廣韻》易有彖象。《史記·孔子世家》孔子晚而喜易，序彖繫象說卦文言。《易·繫辭》彖者，言乎象者也。《註》彖總一卦之義也。 《又》彖者，材也。《註》材，才德也。彖言成卦之材，以統卦義也。《周易正義》彖，斷也。 斷定一卦之義，所以名爲彖也。 又《類篇》賞氏切，音矢。豕屬。 又敞尒切，音侈。義同。 || Example: Cf. 豚 tún (lợn) = "pig" ]	**** running hog, hog, hedgehog, porcupine, (Viet.) pig
lủithủi	(1) longđong, (2) lênhđênh, (3) lẻloi, (4) lủithủi  [ Vh @# M 伶仃  língdīng (SV linhđinh) \ Vh @ 伶 líng ~ lẻ, lênh (tl.), @ 仃 dīng ~ loi, đênh (tl.) | M 伶 líng < MC lieŋ < OC *re:ŋ || M 仃 dīng < MC tieŋ < OC *teŋ ]	*** left alone without help, solitary, solitarily, alone, lonely. Also: thin and weak.
mongmỏi	[ Vh @# M 熱望 rèwàng (SV nhiệtvọng) || M 熱 rè < MC ȵiat < OC *ŋjed || M 望 wàng < MC muaŋ < OC *maŋ, *maŋs || Example: 他 對 愛情 的 熱望 讓 他 敢於 表達 自己 的 感情. Tā duì àiqíng de rèwàng ràng tā gǎnyú biǎodá zìjǐ de gǎnqíng. (Anhấy với sựmongmỏi về tìnhyêu đã khiến anh dám bàytỏ cảmxúc của mình.) "His fervent hope for love gave him the courage to express his feelings." ]	*** strong desire, sincere hope, aspire, earnestly hope, hope fervently, long for earnestly, ardently wish
mánhkhoé	竅門 qiáomén (SV khiếumôn) || M 竅 qiào < MC kʰeu < OC *kʰleːwɢs || M 門 mén < MC muən < OC *mu:n || Guoyu Cidian: 竅門 qiàomén 關鍵、要點、方法。 如：「他到現在還沒有領悟到寫文章的竅門。」 See 祕訣 、法門、訣竅 ]	******(of doing something) trick, ingenious method, know-how, clue, knack
mâmquả	[ Vh @# 果盤 guǒpán (SV quảbàn) | M 果 guǒ < MC kwʌ < OC *kʷajʔ || M 盤 (槃) pán < MC bwʌn < OC *ba:n || Handian: 盛果品的盤子。 南朝 梁 簡文帝《對燭賦》： “影度臨長枕，煙生向果盤。” || Note: this disyllabic word is important in Vietnamese culture that a tray of five variants of fruits is always a part of sacrificial offerings on the ancestral altar and in other ceremonial rituals. || Example: Cf. 五果盆 wǔguǒpén (mâmngũquả) = "tray of five-fruit bowl for sacrificial ceremony" ]	******, tray of fruits,
mấyđộ	(1) mấydạo, (2) mấyđợt, (3) mấyđộ 幾度 jǐdù (kỷđộ) [ Vh @# M 幾度 jǐdù \ Vh @ 度 dù ~ 'đợt' \ OC *dha:ks || M 幾 jī, jǐ < MC kyj, kɨj, gii, gɨj < OC *kjəj, *kjəjʔ, *kɯlʔ, *ɡɯl, *ɡɯls || M 度 dù, dò, duó, duò < MC dak < OC *daːɡ, *daːɡs || Example: 幾度 夕陽 紅. Jǐdù xīyáng hóng. (Nắng chiềuvàng mấyđộ.) = "How many times does sunset come and go?" ]	**** several times. Also: how many degree
mắcbệnh	(1) mangbệnh, (2) mắcbịnh, (3) mắcbệnh [ Vh @ 患病 huànbìng (SV hoạnbịnh) \ Vh @ 患 huàn ~ 'mang', 'mắc' | ¶ /hw- ~ m-/ || M 患 huàn < MC ɦwaɨn < OC *gro:ns || QT 病 bìng < MC bəiŋ < OC *braŋs ]	**** get ill, get sick, fall ill, suffer from illness, contract a disease
mắccở	[ Vh @# M 抱愧 bàokuì (SV bãoquý) \ Vh 抱 bào ~ 'mắc' | ¶ /b- ~ m-/, @ 愧 kuì ~ 'cở' || M 抱 bào, bāo, fóu, páo, póu < MC baw < OC *bu:ʔ || M 愧 (媿) kuì < MC kjwi < OC *kruls || Guoyu Cidian: 抱愧 bàokuì 心中 懷存 愧意。 《新唐書．卷九六．列傳．房玄齡》：「上含怒意決，群臣莫敢諫，吾而不言，抱愧沒地矣！」|| Example: 我 對 此事 感到 抱愧，深表 歉意. Wǒ duì cǐshì gǎndào bàokuì, shēnbiǎo qiànyì. (Tôirất hổthẹn về việcnày và chânthành xinlỗi.) = "I feel deeply ashamed about this matter and sincerely apologize."}	**** feel ashamed
mặckệ	(1) bấtkể, (2) bỏmặc, (3) mặckệ  [ Vh @ M 不管  bùguăn (SV bấtquản) \ Vh @ 不 bù ~ 'bỏ', 'mặc' \ ¶ /b- ~ m-/, @ 管 kuăn ~ 'mặc', 'kệ' | /¶ gw- ~ k-, m-/ || M 不 bù, fōu, fǒu < MC put, puw < OC *pɯ, *pɯ', *pɯʔ || M  管 (筦) guǎn < MC kwan < OC *koːnʔ | ¶ /g- ~ m-/ || Example: 不管 講雞講鴨, 我 只 講 鵝. Bùguǎn jiǎngjījiǎngyā, wǒ zhǐ jiǎng é. (Mặckệ ai nóigànóivịt, mình chỉ nói ngang.) = "No matter if others talk about chickens or ducks, I only talk about geese." ]	****** it does not matter, no matter what, do not care, careless, not to care, not taking into consideration
mếnmộ	[ Vh @ M 慕名  mù​míng (SV mộdanh) \ Vh @ 名 míng ~ 'mến' || M 名 míng < MC mjajŋ < OC *meŋ || Example: 他 慕名 拜訪 了 一位 著名 的 作家. Tā mùmíng bàifǎng le yīwèi zhùmíng de zuò​jiā. (Anhấy đến viiếngthăm một nhàvăn nổitiếng mà anh mếnmộ.) = "He visited a renowned writerout of admiration." ]	**** be impressed by a reputation, admire somebody's reputation, out of admiration for person or place, seek out famous person or location
ngạingùng	(1) ngượngnghịu, (2) ngượngngập, (3) ngạingùng  [ Vh @# M 忸捏  nǐuniē (SV nữuniết) ~ M 忸怩 nǐuní \ Vh @ 忸 nǐu ~ 'ngại', 'ngượng', @ 捏 niē ~ 'ngùng', 'nghịu' (tl.) || M 忸 nǐu, nǜ < MC ɳuwk < OC *nuʔ, *nuɡ || M 捏 (揑) niē < MC net < OC *niːɡ || Guoyu Cidian: 忸捏 nǐuniē 害羞，不大方的樣子。如：「磊落大方是演藝工作者的基本工夫，最忌諱的莫過於忸捏作態了。」也作「忸怩」。 ]^{ | Example:  忸捏 作態 nǐuniē zuòtài (tỏra ngượngngùng) = "putting on an act of coyness", See 忸怩  nǐuní (ngượngnghịu) = "bashful"]	**** blush, shy, bashful, coyness, be ashamed
nhừ	[ Vh @ M 胹 ér (SV nhi) < MC ȵɨ < OC *njɯ | *OC 胹 而 之 而 njɯ | Dialects: Cant. ji4, Hakka ji2 | Shuowen: 《肉部》胹： 爛也。从 肉 而 聲。 | Kangxi: 《康熙字典·肉部·六》胹：《唐韻》如之切《集韻》人之切， 𠀤 音 而。 《說文》爛也。《玉篇》煮熟 也。 《揚子·方言》胹，熟也。 《左傳·宣二年》宰夫胹熊蹯不熟。 《疏》過熟曰胹，自關而西，秦晉 之 郊 曰 胹。 又《類篇》或 作 臑。 《楚辭·招魂》胹 龞 炮 羔，有 柘 漿 些。 《註》胹，一作臑。《集韻》或作腝𩰴𦓒。 | Guangyun: 胹 而 如之 日 之 之 平聲 三等 開口 之 止 上平七之 ȵʑi ȵʑĭə ȵiə ȵʑie ȵɨ ȵɨ ȵɨ er2 nji rio 並上同 || ZYYY: 洏 兒 日 支思開 支思 陽平 開口呼 ɽɿ || Example: 這 道 湯 胹 得 恰到好處, 味道 極佳. Zhè dào tāng ér de qiàdàohǎochù, wèidào jíjiā. (Móncanh này được nấu nhừ vừatớihợplúc, rấtkhá đậmvị.) = "This soup is cooked to perfection, with excellent flavor." ]	****** overcook, overcooked, well-done soft
nọ	(1) nọ, (2) nào, (3) nẫu [ Vh @ M 那 nà, nèi, nuò, nuó, nă (nỏ, nã, ná) < MC na < OC *na:l, *naːlʔ, *na:ls || Note: According to Starostin, in oldest texts the character is used only with the meaning 'to be rich' (sometimes within a compound 猗那 *?a:r-na:r id.). The pronominal meaning (at first only interrogative) appears only during Late Zhou - as a synonym for 奈 *n(h)a:ts 'so what?' (q.v.). Later, during Wei, the character is used for a (probably related) interrogative *n(h)a:/ > MC na^/, Mand. nuo^ (colloq. na^) 'how, what'. Finally, since Tang demonstrative usage is witnessed: MC na^\, Mand. nuò (colloq. nà) 'that'. The standard Sino-Viet. reading is nã; này may be an old loanword, or else may be just a rather universal pronominal stem (in Viet. cf. also nó 'he', nọ 'other'). || Note: 'nớ' (tiếngHuế) | ¶ n- ~ đ- || Example: 在 那裡? Zài náli? (Tại nơi nào?) = "where is it." ]	**** that, those,, this, that, the other, Also:, he, she, other; they, other people, the other, someone, how, which, what
nước	(1) đắc, (2) đák, (3) nác, (4) nước 淂 dé (đắc) [ Vh @ M 淂 dé < MC tək < OC *tɯːɡ | *OC 淂 得 職 德 tɯːɡ | Dialects: Cant. dak1, Hakka det7 | Kangxi: 《廣韻》都則切《集韻》的則切，𠀤音德。 《玉篇》水也。一曰水貌。又《廣韻》丁力切，音滴。義同。 | Guangyun: 淂 德 多則 端 德開 德 入聲 一等 開口 登 曾 入二十五德 tək tək tək tək tək tək tək de tok tok 水皃又丁力切 || Handian: 淂 dé (1) 水名。 (2) 古同 “得”。|| Note: 《四庫輯本別集拾遺·113-吳泳：《鶴林集》四十卷》： 趙汝(彳淂)降授從事郎制。《事宜須知·事宜須知卷四》： ...於書將日久漸忘有負觧人垂惠之意淂勿憾乎昌於公□之暇追念前事遂將...。《增定國朝館課經世宏辭》： 所與宴游者誰歟所與居處出入者誰歟不可淂而知也又近世之弊患在上下不交然...。《姚際恆文集》： 賜「弓矢」「鐵鉞」，然後淂「征」「殺」，此衰世之事，非盛王之制也。《州縣事宜》： 親民之官莫如州縣使州縣皆淂人則政蕳刑清民安物阜又何有兵革...。《懋齋詩鈔》： 喜淂阿戎談共乆，敢題鳳字到門閭。《未信編·序》： 每欲懸車自攝而不能淂。《水經注疏·水經注疏》卷十四》： 績怪二水狹淺，問契丹遼源所在，云，此二水更行數里，合而南流，即稱遼水，更無遼源可淂也。《治安文獻·治安文獻卷之一》： 吏胥淂以為奸矣。《泉翁大全集·3-泉翁大全集卷之三十一》： 孝奉母李，惟母之　所欲，與諸弟而順承之，故五子者，惟澗獨貧，(淂)得之於沉汝淵雲也。 || According to Starostin:, Proto-Austro-Asiatic: *dʔɨak, Thai: ʔdɨk 'to swim' (NT), Proto-Katuic: *dʔVk / *dʔV:k, Proto-Bahnaric: *dʔa:k, Khmer: dɨk < OK dik V?, Proto-Pearic: *da:k.N, Proto-Vietic: *dʔa:k, Proto-Monic: *dʔa:k, Proto-Aslian: SML dak, Proto-Viet-Muong: *dʔa:k, Thomon: da:k.31, Tum: da:k.212 (Kh 757, VHL 2, S-134) || Ghichú: Theo Nguyễn Trung Thông, các tàiliệu cổ Trungquốc ghilại âm 'đắc/đức' 淂 chỉ 'nước' (nác) là chữ hiếm với tầnsố dùng là 161 trên 171894734; Ngọc Thiên ghi cáchđọc 淂 là 淂勒切 đô lặc thiết (đắc) – 水也 thuỷ dã, so với 都則切 đô tắc thiết (QV), 的則切，音德 đích tắc thiết, âm đức (TV, LT), 多則切，音德 đa tắc thiết, âm đức (TVi, CTT), 丁力切，音滴 đinh lực thiết, âm tích/trích (QV). Đắc HV còn trởthành 'được' trong tiếngViệt, tươngứng với quátrình (đák) nác trởthành nước. Trần Cương Trung (thế kỷ XIII) còn ghiâm nước là 'lược' 掠 (Sứ Giaochâu Tập). Nghĩa nguyênthuỷ nước (chấtlỏng) của đắc/đức trong các tàiliệu Trungquốc saunày đã tiếpbiến để trởthành ‘thuỷmạo’ (óngánh hay longlanh như mặtnước/QV/LT/TVi) hay ‘thuỷdanh’ (tên sông/TV) để người Hán cóthể hiểuđược! CTT còn ghi là khôngnên dùng tụctự này cho chữ đắc 得 (dị thể). Dạng nác (nước) cònđược duytrì trong các tiếng địaphương Việtnam như Quảngtrị, Quảngbình, Nghệan, Thanhhoá (cd. khôn ăn nác, dại ăn xác) … So với dạng dak3 (Mường Bi, Nguồn), dak2 (Chứt), tik/tưk (Khme), dak (Môn, Rơngao, Sakai, Biat), đek/đak (Mnông), đaq (Tà Ôi, Chơro, Kơho) …v.v… Mộtsố địadanh, sôngngòi cũng dùng *đak (nước) chothấy rõràng âm này đếntừ phương Nam (sosánh với giang – *krong/krung – sông). Đâylà một đềtài rất thúvị nhưng không nằm trong phạmvi bàiviết này. || Example: See 水 shuǐ (thuỷ)='nước' = "water" ]	****** water, Also:, water surface, river
ôngnội	[ Vh @# M 内公 nèigōng (SV nộicông) \ Vh @ 公 gōng ~ 'ông' || M 內 (内) nèi, nà < MC nɔj < OC *njəps, *nuːbs || M 公 gōng < MC kuŋ < OC *klo:ŋ || Wiktionary: 內公 (Hokkien) paternal grandfather (one's father's father) || Ghichú: Trong các phươngngữ Hán: ôngnội, ôngngoại, v.v. đềucó cáchgọi khácnhau. TiếngViệt có cáchgọi 'ộngnội' giốngnhư tiếng Mânnam Đàiloan -- Hokkienese -- 內公 nèigōng /lǎikong/. Trongkhiđó, tiếng Bắckinh và QT hđ. gọi 'ôngnội' là 爺爺 yéye (giagia). || Note: 内公 (nèigōng) refers to 'paternal grandfather' (one's father's father) in Hokkien. The term 内公 (nèigōng) is derived from the components 内 (nèi), meaning 'inside,' and 公 (gōng), meaning 'elder' or 'grandfather.' In Vietnamese, the equivalent term is 'ông nội.' Different Chinese dialects have varying terms for paternal and maternal grandparents. For example, in Mandarin, 'paternal grandfather' is 爺爺 (yéye), while 'maternal grandfather' is 外公 (wàigōng). In Hokkien, 内公 (nèigōng) is pronounced as /lǎikong/, which closely resembles the Vietnamese term 'ông nội.' This demonstrates the linguistic and cultural connections between Hokkien and Vietnamese. || Example: Cf. 外公. wàigōng. (ôngngoại.) }	****** (colloquial, Hokkien, Taiwanese), paternal grandfather, grandfather, grandpa, father of one's father, one's father's father,
phảngphất	[ Vh @ M 彷彿 fǎngfú (SV phưởngphất) || M 彷 páng, fǎng (phảng, bàng) < MC pʰuaŋ, baŋ < OC *baːŋ, *pʰaŋʔ || M 彿 fú < MC pʰut < OC *pʰɯd ]^{ | Example: 她的 動作 彷彿 一位 舞者, 優雅 而 流暢. Tā de dòngzuò fǎngfú yīwèi wǔzhě, yōuyǎ ér liúchàng. (Độngtác của côta tựanhư một vũcông, thanhnhã và mượtmà.) = "Her movements seem like those of a dancer, graceful and smooth." ]	****** waft, lingering, dim, waft, look vaguely alike, have the look of, float in the air*
phỉnhphờ	(1) bịpbợm, (2) phỉnhphờ [ Vh @# M 矇騙 méngbiàn (SV môngphiến) \ Vh @ 矇 méng ~ 'bưng', 'bợm' (tl.), @ 騙 piàn ~ 'bít' (tl.) || M 騙 piàn (biển, phiến) < MC pʰian < OC *pʰens || M 矇 méng, měng, mēng < MC məwŋ < OC *mo:ŋ || Example: 他 用 假 文件 矇騙 了 公司, 獲得 了 職位. Tā yòng jiǎ wénjiàn mēngpiàn le gōngsī, huòdé le zhíwèi. (Nó dùng giấytờ giả để lừagạt côngty và đạtđược chứcvị.) = "He used fake documents to deceive the company and obtained the position." ]	**** to fool, hoodwink, dupe somebody , cheat, swindle, deceive, deceit, deception
què	[ Vh @ M 瘸 què, qué (SV cài)< MC gwa < OC *ɡʷal | | Kangxi: 《康熙字典·疒部·十一》瘸：《唐韻》《韻會》《正韻》巨靴切《集韻》衢靴切，𠀤掘平聲。 腳手 病。 | Guangyun: 瘸 瘸 巨靴 羣 戈三合 戈 平聲 三等 合口 戈 果 下平八戈 gi̯wɑ ɡĭuɑ ɡiuɑ ɡiuɑ ɡɨuɑ ɡʷiɑ gua que2 gya gva 腳手病巨靴切一 || ZYYY: 瘸 瘸 溪 車遮撮 車遮 陽平 撮口呼 kʰiuɛ || Example: 瘸腿. quétuǐ. (quègiò.) = "lame", 瘸腳. quèjiăo. (quèchân.) = 'limp' ]	**** lame, limp, lameness, cripple, paralysis of leg
rét	[ Vh @ 冽 liè (SV liệt) || M 冽 liè < MC liat < OC *red | ¶ /l- ~ r-/ | Dialects: Cant. lit6, Hakka liet8, Chaozhou liag8 | Kangxi: 《唐韻》《正韻》良薛切《集韻》力蘖切《韻會》力薛切，𠀤音列。《玉篇》寒氣也。《詩·小雅》有冽氿泉。 | Guangyun: 列 良辥 來 薛A開 入聲 屑 開口三等 山 仙A lĭɛt liet || Example: 冬天 的 早晨, 空氣 冽 冷, 讓 人 不 想 出門. Dōngtiān de zǎochén, kōngqì liè lěng, ràng rén bù xiǎng chūmén. (Buổisáng mùađông, khôngkhí rétlạnh khiến ngườita không muốn rakhỏi nhà.) = "On winter mornings, the air is piercingly cold, making people reluctant to go outside." ]	**** cold, freezing, chill, cold and raw
sỉvả	[ Vh @ M 臭罵 chòumà (SV xúmạ) \ Vh 臭 chòu ~ 'sỉ', @ 罵 mà ~ 'vả' || M 臭 chòu, xìu (xú, khứu) < MC tɕʰiəu < OC *kʰljus || M 罵 (駡) mà < MC maɨ < OC *mraːʔ, *mraːs || Guoyu Cidian: 臭罵 chòumà 痛罵。 《儒林 外史》第四七回：「講 的 差不多，又 臭罵 那 些人 一頓。」|| Example: 他 因為 遲到 被 老闆 臭罵 了 一 頓. Tā yīnwèi chídào bèi lǎobǎn chòumà le yí dùn. (Anhta vì đitrễ bị ôngchủ sỉvả cho một trận.) = "He was harshly scolded by his boss for being late." ]	**** curse, berate, scold fiercely, tongue-lashing, chew out, give someone a dressing down
sún	[ Vh @ 齤  quán (SV quyền) || M  齤 quán < MC gwian < OC *gron | *OC 齤  元 權 ɡron | Dialect:: QĐ kyun4 | Shuowen: 《齒部》齤：缺齒也。一曰 曲齒。从齒𢍏聲。讀若 權。| Kangxi: 《康熙字典·齒部·六》齤：《唐韻》巨員切《集韻》逵員切，𠀤音 權。 《說文》缺齒也。 一曰曲齒。一曰笑而見齒貌。 《淮南子·道應訓》若士者齤然而笑。 | Guangyun: 齤 權 巨員 羣 仙B合 仙B 平聲 三等 合口 仙B 山 下平二仙 gi̯wɛn ɡĭwɛn ɡjuɛn ɡiuæn ɡɣiuᴇn ɡʷɯiɛn gwian quan2 gyen gwen 齒曲 || Note: 《康熙字典·十》: 河內 謂 之 齤，沛人 言 若 虘。  || Example: 齤然而笑. quánrán'érxiào, (cườinherăngsún.) = "smiling with missing teeth", x. 齔 chèn (sún) = "missing tooth" ]	****** missing tooth, missing teeth
tẩychay	[ Vh @ M 抵制 dǐzhì (SV đềchế) || M 抵 (牴、觝) dǐ (đề, để, chỉ) < MC tei < OC *tiːlʔ || M 制 (製) zhì < MC tɕiɛi < OC *kjeds  || Example: "許多 人 決定 抵制 那些 爭議 產品. Xǔduō rén juédìng dǐzhì nàxiē zhēngyì chǎnpǐn. (Nhiềungười quyếtđịnh tẩychay những sảnphẩm gây tranhcãi.) = "Many people decided to boycott those controversial products." ]	**** boycott, counteract, reject, resistance, refusal to cooperate, resist, combat
thèm-ăn	[ Vh @# M 食慾 shí​yù (SV thựcdục) || M 食 (飼) shí, sì, yì (thực, tự) < MC ʑik < OC *ljək, *lhəks || M 慾 yù < MC jawk < *OC *loɡ || Handian: 食慾 shí​yù 人 進食 的 要求。 宋 梅堯臣《中道 小疾 見 寄》詩：“寢欲 來 於 夢，食慾 來 於 羹。” || Example 寢欲 來 於 夢，食慾 來 於 羹 是 宋 梅堯臣 《中道 小疾 見寄》 詩 對 古代 生活 美學 的 詮釋. 'Qǐnyù lái yú mèng, shíyù lái yú gēng' shì Sòng Méi Yáochén 《Zhōngdào Xiǎojí Jiànjì》 shī duì gǔdài shēnghuó měixué de quánshì. (Câu 'Sựthèmngủ đến từ giấcmơ, và sựthèmăn đến từ món canh' là từ bàithơ 'Trungđạo Tiểutật Gửigắm' của Mai Diêu Thần đờiTống diễngiải thẩmmỹhọc về cuộcsống thờicổ.) ="The desire for sleep arises from dreams, and the appetite for food arises from soup. This is an interpretation of ancient life aesthetics in the poem 'On the Way, A Minor Illness, Sealed and Delivered' by Mei Yaochen of the Song Dynasty." ]	****  appetite, desire to eat,
tắtđèn	[ Vh @ M 熄燈 xídēng (SV tứcđăng) || M 熄 xí, xī < MC sjyk < OC *sjək || QT 燈 dēng < MC 燈 təŋ < OC *tɯːŋ || Guoyu Cidian: 熄燈 xídēng 熄滅燈火。 如：「夜深了，咱們該熄燈就寢了！」也 作「息燈」。 ]^{ | Example: 1937 '熄燈' 是 吴必素 作家 最 有 代表性 的 文學 作品 之一. 1937 ‘Xídēng’ shì Wú Bì-sù zuòjiā zuì yǒu dàibiǎoxìng de wénxué zuòpǐn zhī yī. ('Tắtđèn' 1937 là một trong những tácphẩm vănhọc mang tínhtiêubiểunhất của tácgiả Ngô Tất Tố.) = "The 1937 work 'Extinguishing the Lamp' is one of the most representative literary pieces by the writer Ngô Tất Tố." ]	******, put out the light, turn out the lights, lights out, (candles, oil lamp), extinguish the light, extinguishing the lamp
tẩmbổ	[ Vh @ M 進補 jìnbǔ (tấnbổ) || QT 進 jìn (tấn, tiến) < MC tsjin < OC *cins || Guoyu Cidian: 進補 jìnbǔ 服用 補品 以 調 養 身體。 如：「冬天 寒冷，不少 人 習慣 來 一 碗 羊肉爐、薑 母鴨 進補。」|| Example: 冬令進補. dōnglìngjìnbǔ. (đônglạnhtẩmbổ.) = "Winter nourishment therapy", See. 燉補. dùnbǔ. (tẩmbổ.) = "tonic supplementation" ]	****** (Chinese medicinal, for one's health), take a tonic, feed up, supplement diet, supplement nutrition, diet supplementation, nutritional supplementation
trăntrở	[ Vh @ 輾轉 zhănzhuăn (SV triểnchuyển) \ Vh @ 輾 zhăn ~ 'trăn', @ 轉 zhuăn ~ 'trở,' || M 輾 zhăn, niěn < MC ɳian, ʈian < OC *enʔ, *ndens || ¶ /zh- ~ tr-/ || M 轉 zhuăn, zhuàn, zhuăi < MC ʈwian, ʈʷɯiɛn < OC *tonʔ, *tons || Example: 輾轉 反側 Zhănzhuăn făncè (trằntrọc trăntrở) = "toss around", 昔何言而今復背之, 固 得 輾轉 若 此乎? Xī hé yán ěr jīn fúbèi zhī, gùdé zhănzhuăn ruò cǐ hū? (Xưa nói gì mà giờ bộiước, cớsao lại giởchứng nhưvậy hở?) = "What was said in the past, why is it now contradicted? Is it truly inevitable to waver and turn like this?" ]	*** toss about, roll over in bed, unable to sleep, pass. Also: abnormal, go back on one's words, go through many places
trốn	[ Vh @ M 遁 (遯) dùn, qūn, xún < MC don < OC *l'uːnʔ, *l'uːns | *OC (1) 遁 盾 文 囤 l'uːnʔ, (2) 遁 盾 文 鈍 l'uːns | Dialect: Cant. deon6 | Tang reconstruction: dhuə̀n, dhuə̌n | Shuowen: 《辵部》遁：遷也。一曰逃也。从辵盾聲。 || Example: 敵人 在 夜晚 遁 走，留下 了 空蕩蕩 的 營地。 Dírén zài yèwǎn dùn zǒu, liúxià le kōngdàngdàng de yíngdì. (Quânđịch đã trốn đi trong đêm, đểlại doanhtrại trống ỗng.) = "The enemy fled during the night, leaving behind an empty camp." ]	****** escape, flee, avoid
trúngđích	中的 zhòngdì (SV trúngđích) [ Vh @ M 中的 zhòngdì | M 中 zhōng, zhòng (SV trung, trúng) < MC ʈuwŋ < OC *tuŋ, *tuŋs || Guoyu Cidian: 中的 zhòngdì 射 中 靶心。 比喻 能 掌握 事物 的 重點。 淮南子．泰族：「其 所以 中的 剖微者，正心 也。」]	***** hit target, hit the target, hit the nail on the head
trúngý	(1) đúngý, (2) trúngý 中意 zhòngyì (SV trúngý) [ Vh @ M 中意 zhòngyì \ Vh @ 中 zhòng ~ 'trúng', 'đúng' ]	***** take somebody's fancy, be pleased, win approval
xinchào	(1) gặpqua, (2) quagặp, (3) xinchào [ Vh @ M 見過 jiànguò (SV kiếnquá)\ Vh @ 見 jiàn ~ 'gặp', 'xin' 請 qǐng (thỉnh), @ 過 guò ~ 'qua', 'chào' 早 zăo (tảo) || M 見 jiàn, xiàn < MC ɦen < OC *kians, *gens || QT 過 guō, guò, huò (qua, quá) < MC kwa < OC *klo:l, *klo:ls || Handian: 見過 jiànguò 謙辭。 猶 來訪。 宋歐陽修《與蘇丞相書》：“清明之約，幸率唐公見過，喫一椀不託爾，餘無可以為禮也。” 宋文瑩《玉壺清話》卷七：“紫垣甚近，黃閣非遙，僚友見過，幸低聲笑語。” || Example: 見過 老爺! Jiànguò lăoyě. (Xinchào lãogia!) = "It's great to meet you.", 雖然 聽過 名字, 他 至今 沒 見過 她的 芳容. Suīrán tīngguò míngzi, tā zhìjīn méi jiànguò tāde fāngróng. (Tuyđã nghequa tên côta, nhưng anhta tớinay chưa hề nhìnthấy dungnhan của nàng.) = "Although he has heard her name, he has never seen her beauty until now.", 我們 見過 當地 的 官員, 並 討論 了 社區 的 問題. Wǒmen jiànguò dāngdì de guānyuán, bìng tǎolùn le shèqū de wèntí. (Chúngtôi đã quagặp các quanchức địaphương và thảoluận về những vấnđề của cộngđồng.) = "We visited the local officials and discussed community issues." ]	**** greeting, hello, hi, greet, come to see, pay a visit, visit, Also:, have seen, have gone through, have experienced
xinlỗi	[ Viet. 'xinlỗi' ®<~ 'xinthứlỗi' @&# '請見諒 qǐngjiànliàng (thỉnhkiếnlượng)' ~ Vh @ M 見諒 jiànliàng \ Nh @ 見 jiàn ~ 'xin', 'tha', 'thứ' 恕 shù, @ 諒 liàng ~ 'lỗi' || QT 見 jiàn, xiàn < MC ɦen < OC *ke:ns *gens || QT 諒 liàng, liáng (lượng, lường, lạng) < MC lɨaŋ < OC *ɡ·raŋs || Example: 請 您 見諒 我 的 遲到, 路上 堵車 很 嚴重. Qǐng nín jiànliàng wǒ de chídào, lùshàng dǔchē hěn yánzhòng. (Xinthứlỗi tôi đếntrễ, đường bị kẹtxe rất nghiêmtrọng.) = ""Please excuse my coming late because of the traffic congestion."]	**** (polite form), please excuse me, (literary), please have me forgiven, please let me be forgiven, please forgive me, pardon me Also:, forgive, forgiveness, pardon
xuigia	(1) xuigia, (2) nhàxui [ Vh @# QT 親家 qìngjia (SV thângia) \ Vh @ 親 qìng ~ 'sui', 'thông' 通 tōng (thông), @ 家 jiā ~ 'nhà' || M 親 qīn, qìng, qìn, xīn (thân, thấn) < MC tsʰin < OC *shin, *shins || M 家 jiā, gū, jie (gia, cô) < MC kaɨ < OC *kra:  || Guoyu Cidian: 親家 qìngjia (1) 姻戚 的 通稱。 荀子．非相：「棄其親家而欲奔之者，比肩並起。」 , (2) 稱謂。 男女 兩姻家 的 父母，對 彼此 的 稱呼。  新唐書．卷一O一．蕭瑀傳：「子衡，尚新昌公主。嵩妻入謁，帝呼為親家。」  || Example:  親家公. qìngjiagōng. (ôngnhàsui.) = "father-in-law of one’s child" ]	****** relatives by marriage, the family of the in-laws, parents of one's daughter-in-law or son-in-law, relatives by marriage

Source: Tunguyen HanNom

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Conclusion

This chapter has reaffirmed the profound and enduring linguistic ties between Vietnamese and the broader Sinitic language family, with particular emphasis on the historical and structural influence of Mandarin. Through comparative analysis of dialectal features and Mandarin’s role as a regional lingua franca, it becomes evident that Vietnamese has not merely absorbed Chinese influence passively, but has actively co-evolved within a shared linguistic ecosystem.

Several key insights emerge from this inquiry:

• Mandarin’s lingua franca legacy: The northeastern subdialect and Beijing vernacular of Mandarin have functioned as primary channels for lexical transmission into Vietnamese, shaping both formal and vernacular registers. The adoption of standardized Romanization (pinyin) offers a practical tool for phonetic comparison and etymological tracing.
• Structural parallels across dialects: Vietnamese shares phonological, syntactic, and semantic features with multiple Chinese dialects, not only Cantonese, indicating a layered history of contact and convergence. These affinities are especially pronounced in idiomatic expressions, disyllabic constructions, and morphemic patterns.
• Reassessing Austroasiatic dominance: This chapter challenges the prevailing Austroasiatic Mon-Khmer framework, arguing that its historical grounding is insufficient to account for the depth of Sinitic influence. Many words traditionally considered native may, in fact, be deeply Sinicized, with etymological roots traceable to Old or Middle Chinese.
• Methodological innovation: By introducing polysyllabic analysis and analogy-based semantic induction, this study proposes new methods for identifying cognates and mapping lexical inheritance. These approaches move beyond rigid syllable-by-syllable sound change models and open new avenues for historical linguistic exploration.

Collectively, these findings advocate for a paradigm shift in Vietnamese historical linguistics, one that acknowledges the complexity of its Sinitic heritage and encourages scholars to transcend ideological boundaries. A more integrative and historically grounded approach will not only enrich our understanding of Vietnamese but also contribute meaningfully to the broader study of language contact and evolution in East Asia.

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ENDNOTES

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(X)^ Actually in any languages it should have started with simple consonantal initials first, so we are talking about that of the Vietic language at a certain stage that might have been under some aboriginal language influences already) — postulated as pre-requisites to change into tonality by Henri Maspero (1945). Alternatively, it is also suggested that, highly, the clusters /bl-/ as in /blời/, blau/, could have deep roots in Chamic, an Austronesian language.

(H)^ See works by Professor Phan Hữu Dật, Ph.D. Collections of his writings on some issues in Vietnam's anthropology in Vietnamese, a few also written in English, French, and Russian by the author, published by Hanoi University, 1998.

(S)^ The South China Morning Post (November 18, 2017) in How Can Communist Vietnam Be Friendlier to the US than China? Carry Huang noted that "Last year [2016], a Pew survey found 84 per cent of Vietnamese viewed America favorably, up from 76 per cent in 2014; only 10 per cent of them viewed China favorably, down from 16 per cent". That said, Vietnamese intellectual people distrust anything Chinese.